I like words, and organising things, and photographing other things, and being silly and laughing heaps, and you know... stuff
13427 stories
·
11 followers

70+ verified cases of Meta account removals in Australia. Who protects our digital rights?

1 Share
Skip to content
QNews LGBTIQA+ News
QNews LGBTIQA+ News

LGBT News National

70+ verified cases of Meta account removals in Australia. Who protects our digital rights?

Screenshots of Meta account removals and suspensions. Image of phone with social media apps on right side.

Share this post

Over the past year, marginalised communities, including LGBTQIA+ and BIPOC communities, have reported a growing wave of account suspensions, removals and restrictions from Meta’s moderation systems.

New data suggests reported cases of censorship are only increasing.

Repro Uncensored alone has now verified 70 cases of reported censorship affecting Australian accounts, with almost all occurring in 2026. Around the world, the organisation has recorded a steep rise in verified cases too, increasing from 50 reports in December to more than 600 today.

These numbers likely don’t scratch the surface, as Repro’s database only captures cases reported to the organisation.

Australia has emerged as one of the countries most affected by the current wave of Big Tech censorship,” Repro Uncensored founder and executive director Martha Dimitratou told QNews.

“From our experience, [Australian cases are] among the most difficult and lengthy to reinstate, if we receive a response at all.”

At this point, as the tally continues to rise, as more businesses and creators lose access to work, as vital communication is suppressed, the question needs to be asked: when private corporations control what is essentially modern-day public infrastructure, who is responsible for regulating it?

Public health information access

Bur first, to understand what I mean by public infrastructure, look no further than each and every person’s access to essential health information.

A newly released project from Swinburne University and the National Association of People with HIV Australia (NAPWHA) called Not Safe for Health has examined the challenges facing community-based health organisations using digital platforms, particularly organisations working in HIV prevention, education and support.

NAPWHA says its organisations have experienced content suppression, account suspensions and restrictions on paid advertising, while also facing hateful comments and targeted abuse on their platforms.

The result is a contradiction: organisations working to provide essential health information are being restricted, while harmful misinformation and abuse can remain.

Professor Kath Albury from Swinburne University said social media platforms were once places where communities could build connection, but their business models had shifted.

“It used to be the case that you could build community and social connection on social media. But platforms have built profits on promoting social conflict, not supporting the public interest.”

The report found that dominant platforms now hold a “virtual oligopoly” over digital communication, making it increasingly difficult for community organisations to simply leave.

For LGBTQIA+ communities, that reality is particularly significant.

Social media is not just where people share photos or announcements. It is where people find health information, discover support services, organise campaigns, build communities and preserve cultural histories.

When those accounts disappear, communities lose infrastructure.

Related content:

The three drivers of Meta’s targeting

Repro Uncensored share how their research points to the three “interconnected drivers” causing the growing wave of account removals.

Automated moderation systems

Platforms like Meta rely on artificial intelligence to detect potential policy violations.

These AI moderators seem to heavily target content around sexual health and expression, LGBTQIA+ events, queer nightlife, advocacy or community support, with these posts incorrectly labelled as violating policies around adult content, exploitation or solicitation.

Coordinated reporting campaigns

There have been numerous examples of creators, community organisations and businesses being targeted by anti-rights groups who urge followers to mass-report lawful content, creating a system where fraudulent complaints trigger platform action.

This is doubly concerning when, after accounts are removed, the victim of targeting is automatically perceived as guilty and is unable to retrieve their account/s.

Lack of transparency

It is rare for account holders to know what specific content allegedly breached policies or how they can meaningfully challenge it.

Dimitratou said this lack of accountability has become one of the biggest barriers facing affected communities.

“Organisations are rarely told exactly what content allegedly violated Meta’s policies, why the decision was made, whether it resulted from automated moderation or coordinated mass reporting, or how they can effectively challenge it,” Dimitratou says. 

For many, accounts can only be recovered after journalists, lawyers, politicians or organisations like Repro intervene on their behalf.

As Dimitratou argues, access to fundamental communication channels should not depend on whether an organisation can attract enough public attention.

Australia’s digital rights gap, what can be done?

Australia has a gap in it’s anti-discrimination and digital rights protections.

Laws like the federal Sex Discrimination Act and state-based anti-discrimination legislation weren’t designed for a world where a global private company can remove a people’s primary communication avenue overnight.

When Meta removes an account, Australians currently have such limited options, there is rarely anything that can be done.

Tom Sulston, Head of Policy at Digital Rights Watch, said the problem highlights the broader power imbalance between technology companies and the communities that rely on them.

“That they do it [censor user], and frequently get away with it, demonstrates the problems inherent with Big Tech’s control of the platforms we depend on for our communications.”

“We urgently need governments and regulators to step in, and ensure that Australians aren’t excommunicated by social media platforms for offending American government sensibilities with their posts.”

There are no specific laws in place to deter big tech from their behaviour, nor its there a dedicated independent body with the power to investigate patterns of censorship, require transparency from platforms, or provide meaningful avenues for appeal.

This has led advocates to propose a few different options:

  1. Stronger regulation of digital platforms
  2. The creation of a Digital Platforms Ombudsman
  3. Better enforcement of exisiting discrimination laws.

A Digital Platforms Ombudsman: what could that do?

A Digital Platforms Ombudsman would provide an independent pathway for users and organisations who believe they have been unfairly impacted by a platform’s decision.

Instead of relying on Meta’s internal appeals process, Australians would take their complaints to an external body who would help resolve the case.

The Australian Greens have joined calls for such a model, arguing platforms currently hold too much “unchecked power”.

Repro Uncensored has warned that any Australian model would need the authority to identify systemic patterns, require platforms to cooperate and impose consequences when companies repeatedly fail to meet their obligations.

This pathway is potentially closer than it appears.

The Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman is calling for its role to expand to include digital platforms, recognising that online services increasingly affect Australians’ everyday lives.

“Right now, when things go wrong online people don’t have anywhere to turn for help. Australians are often left stranded, stuck in a chatbot loop and unable to talk to a real human to get help,” Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman Cynthia Gebert told QNews.

“Big tech companies have the resources to help people resolve issues on their platforms, but instead consumers are falling through the cracks and left helpless, frustrated and out of pocket.

“We want to see big tech companies held accountable and to the same standards as telcos.  It’s why we’re calling for the TIO to handle digital platform complaints as well as telco, so people have access to independent and free help when they need it.”

Europe’s Digital Services Act: how to regulate Big Tech 

Another option implemented in Europe is a broader regulatory framework called the European Union’s Digital Services Act (DSA).

Introduced in 2022 and becoming fully applicable in 2024, the DSA is one of the world’s “most significant attempts” to regulate Big Tech because it recognises their role in accessing information, participating in public debate and connecting communities.

The DSA introduces obligations including:

  • transparency around content removals with explanations when content or accounts are removed, and
  • meaningful appeal processes.

But has it worked for Europe?

For the first time, it establishes clear obligations around transparency, due process, risk assessments, and meaningful systems of redress when platforms moderate content or suspend accounts,” Dimitratou told QNews.

Our legal class action in the Netherlands is a strong example of how the DSA can be used to hold Big Tech accountable and seek meaningful sanctions where companies fail to comply with European law.”

The case she is referring to argues that Meta failed to meet its obligations under the legislation by not providing meaningful explanations or effective opportunities for redress in cases including The Queer Agenda.

Dimitratou notes that the the DSA should be seen as “the beginning of accountability, not the end of it”.

“It provides a blueprint for democracies around the world seeking to reclaim oversight over the digital public sphere. The legislation exists. The next challenge is ensuring that governments are willing to enforce it.”

We know the rapid growth of digital platforms has exposed gaps between existing protections and the reality of modern communication.

So much so that the federal government has committed to developing a Digital Duty of Care framework for online services, following a recommendation from the Statutory Review of the Online Safety Act 2021.

The proposed framework would mean that online services need to take reasonable steps to prevent foreseeable online harms experienced by Australians.

But would these measures also address what happens when platforms themselves restrict lawful communication or remove accounts without any clear explanations?

And, could the addition of a DSA-style framework help address the holes that remain?

What now?

We at QNews will continue to report on Meta’s censorship and support our community. Repro Uncensored will continue to campaign globally and both  document cases and work with account holders in Australia to help get their accounts back.

But for marginalised folk here, the ominous shadow of uncertainty will remain for now.

Meanwhile, the Australian government will either do little, or they will finally take steps to ensure that the platforms millions rely on every day are held to appropriate standards of transparency, fairness and responsibility.

One thing is for certain, the future of digital rights and online public infrastructure cannot be left in the hands of global private corporations.

For the latest LGBTIQA+ Sister Girl and Brother Boy news, entertainment, and community stories in Australia, visit qnews.com.au. Find us on FacebookTwitterInstagram and YouTube.

QNews, Brisbane Gay, App, Gay App, LGBTI, LGBTI News, Gay Australia

Related Stories

Send this story to NewsBlur
Shared stories are on their way...
Read the whole story
bluebec
11 hours ago
reply
Melbourne
Share this story
Delete

yep, pretty much

1 Share

beaswellgirl:

yep, pretty much

Read the whole story
bluebec
9 days ago
reply
Melbourne
Share this story
Delete

Cnetizens: The wisdom of the working people

1 Share

fuckyeahchinesefashion:

Cnetizens: The wisdom of the working people

Read the whole story
bluebec
9 days ago
reply
Melbourne
Share this story
Delete

Report confirms workers pa the price for inflation driven by profits

1 Share

The OECD’s annual employment outlook confirms that not only did profits drive Australia’s inflation in 2022, but that growing profits are also behind the most recent increases in prices that led to the Reserve Bank raising rates.

In February this year, the Reserve Bank raised interest rates because it was worried about rising inflation in the last six months of last year.

However, analysis by myself and David Richardson, showed that the major cause of increased inflation was increased profits.

Unfortunately, this was just a repeat of what occurred in 2022 and 2023, where the RBA punished workers with higher interest rates out of a misguided belief that inflation was being driven by higher wages and out of fear of a ‘wage-price spiral’.

The RBA believed that the level of unemployment was too low, and as a result, wages would grow faster, and then businesses would increase prices in response, and then workers would in turn bargain for even higher wages.

In September 2022, when announcing the fifth 50 basis point increase in the cash rate in a row, the RBA governor stated that:

“Wages growth has picked up from the low rates of recent years and there are some pockets where labour costs are increasing briskly. Given the tight labour market and the upstream price pressures, the Board will continue to pay close attention to both the evolution of labour costs and the price-setting behaviour of firms in the period ahead.”

At the time, however, analysis by Richardson, Matt Saunders and Richard Denniss had revealed that labour costs were not driving inflation at all.

Their research showed that companies were taking advantage of the end of the pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine to increase prices and profit margins.

They estimated that increased profits accounted for about 60 percent of recent inflation.

Despite being based on analysis of the national accounts as had also been conducted by the European Central Bank and the US Federal Reserve, these findings were widely criticised by conservative economists, media and institutions.

Research by Jim Stanford in early 2023, building on the work by Richardson, Saunders and Denniss which found that excess corporate profits accounted for 69 per cent of additional inflation beyond the RBA’s target produced even more vociferous criticism.

The Australian Financial Review ran multiple articles including one in which the then president of the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia called on the Australia Institute to “admit their mistake and retract their so-called analysis”.

The RBA also sought to undermine the research because it demonstrated that its approach of raising rates was wrong because it incorrectly punished workers rather than focused on corporate profits.

The research was vindicated when, in the middle of 2023, an OECD report confirmed the Australia Institute’s research by finding that “corporate profits contributed far more to Australia’s rise in inflation through the past year than from wages and other employee costs.”

A new report by the OECD released earlier this month further reinforces our findings by revealing that in 2022 profits were a greater driver of inflation in Australia than they were in either the Euro area or the United States.

The 2026 OECD Employment Outlook found that not only were profits clearly the main cause of inflation in 2022, but they confirmed our research that the cause of rising inflation in the last half of 2025 and the early part of 2026 was profits, not labour costs.

inflation

Source: OECD 2026 Employment Outlook 

Even more damning for those who criticised our research of 2022 the OECD report compared the causes of inflation since 2015 in Australia, the Euro area and the USA.

inflation

Source: OECD 2026 Employment Outlook

It showed that profits were a much bigger driver of inflation in Australia than in the other economies.

This new OECD report should put to bed any of the criticisms by vested interests against our research.

But it also should warn that the RBA should not fall into the same error and continue to punish workers for inflation that is not of their doing.

Greg Jericho is the Chief Economist at The Australia Institute.

This article first appeared in The Point. Read the original here.

Read the whole story
bluebec
9 days ago
reply
Melbourne
Share this story
Delete

Postmortem of Gender Under the Qun

1 Share

coriphallus:

I. Introduction: A Question of Language

Now that the Qunari have been thoroughly butchered, I wanted to compile my thoughts on gender under the Qun into a more comprehensive ‘essay.’ This is not primarily an essay about politics, identity, or even gender in the contemporary Western sense. It is an essay about language.

More specifically, it is about what happens when we attempt to understand a foreign culture through English.

Whenever discussions surrounding the Qun arise in online spaces, one phrase inevitably dominates the conversation:

“Under the Qun, your gender is your role.”

Most players interpret this quite literally. If someone is a warrior, then they are a man. If someone fulfills another social function that’s conventionally feminine, then they are considered a woman. The conclusion appears straightforward, and I suspect it is also the interpretation the writers themselves ultimately settled on.

I intend to dismantle it for my own amusement.

Not because I believe the games secretly intended something else, nor because I think this interpretation is objectively incorrect, but because I approached the Qunlat from a linguistic background fundamentally different from that of English. My first instinct was not to ask, “What does the Qun believe about men and women?” My first instinct was to ask, “What does the Qun mean by gender?”

This analysis is my attempt to explain why.

My native language lacks gendered pronouns. There is no equivalent distinction between “he” and “she.” At first glance, this seems like a language where gender is largely irrelevant.

Counterintuitively, that is very much untrue.

The absence of gendered pronouns does not eliminate gender from a language. Instead, it changes where gender lives.

II. Where Language Stores Gender

English speakers constantly encode gender in ordinary conversation without consciously thinking about it.

“I saw her yesterday.”

“He said he would arrive tomorrow.”

Before these sentences can even be spoken, the speaker must already know which pronoun to choose. Gender becomes one of the first pieces of information retrieved when referring to another person.

This process is so automatic that most native English speakers never notice it.

Turkish works differently.

The sentence Çöpü attığını gördüm simply means:

“I saw them take out the trash.”

The sentence contains no information whatsoever regarding whether the person observed was male or female. In fact, depending on context, the subject can even remain ambiguous between 2. and 3. person singular. The information simply is not grammatically required. It is not exposed unless it’s required.

It does not mean Turkish speakers are incapable of perceiving gender. It means the language does not force speakers to encode that information every time another person is mentioned whereas English requires it.

Now consider Czech.

Viděl jsem ji vynášet odpadky.

Before we even reach the object of the sentence, the grammar has already revealed something about the speaker themselves. The viděl tells us that the person speaking is male.

Spanish encodes something else.

La vi sacar la basura.

The pronoun identifies the observed person as feminine while la basura independently marks the noun “trash” as grammatically feminine.

None of these languages have more or less genders than the other for both the object and the subject. They simply distribute gender differently.

Some require information about the subject.

Some require information about the speaker.

Some require information about inanimate objects.

Some require almost none at all.

Every language obliges its speakers to express certain kinds of information. English demands tense where Mandarin often relies on context. Japanese frequently encodes social hierarchy where English does not. Czech marks grammatical case in places where English instead relies on word order.

These are not merely quirks of vocabulary, they shape what information speakers must continually keep available while communicating.

Linguists sometimes refer to this as obligatory grammatical information. A language does not necessarily determine what its speakers are capable of thinking, but it certainly determines what they must routinely express. That creates a substantial distinction.

Popular discussions often invoke the Sapir–Whorf hypothesis, the idea that language determines thought, as though speakers of different languages possess fundamentally different thought patterns. Most modern linguists reject that for various reasons.

Language does not provably constrict thought. It can, however, influence it by making some distinctions obligatory while allowing others to remain optional.

An English speaker cannot naturally produce the sentence “I saw…” without deciding whether to continue with him, her or them. A Turkish speaker can. That information is stored in the previous context so they fundamentally ask different questions.

III. Gender as Grammar

This brings us to grammatical gender.

One of the most common misconceptions among speakers of languages that lack variety of grammatical genders is the assumption that grammatical gender must somehow reflect biological sex.

It rarely does.

A French speaker does not believe a baguette is female. A German speaker does not think a girl is literally neuter because das mädchen happens to use neuter grammar.

The grammatical category exists independently of biology. Its purpose is structural. Gender in language determines how words behave, which articles accompany them, which adjectives agree with them, which suffixes they receive, how they are declined (or not)…

Gender, in other words, is less about describing reality than organizing it.

A noun belongs to a category because the language requires it to belong somewhere to function.

Native speakers rarely question why a chair is feminine or why a bridge is masculine. The categories simply serve as a part of the language’s internal logic. Trying to explain grammatical gender to someone whose native language lacks it often produces the infamous question;

“But why is the chair female?”

The answer, of course, is that it isn’t.

The chair is not female.

The word belongs to a grammatical category that English simply lacks (i.e. Masculine inanimate as a grammatical gender carries more information about the state of the object than its 'sex’). The confusion arises because learners instinctively attempt to translate one conceptual framework into another. What if, I began to wonder while playing DAO, the same thing was happening with Qunlat?

What if “man” and “woman” were not 1=1 translations?

What if they were approximations?

What if the game’s medium of English language was doing the only thing it could do; mapping an alien system of classification onto the nearest concepts available?

Whether that was the writers’ intention is beside the point. I think the possibility itself warrants exploration. Because if the Qun’s concept of gender functions less like biological identity and more like grammatical classification, then many conversations throughout the series become open to entirely different interpretations.

This is going to be a long read.

Keep reading

Read the whole story
bluebec
11 days ago
reply
Melbourne
Share this story
Delete

ALT

1 Share
A comic of two foxes, one of whom is blue, the other is green. In this one, Blue and Green are outside, as Green frowns at an unwelcome noise.
Green: Ugh, someone's watching videos on full volume.

Green turns to Blue, who calmly hands him a pair of earbuds.
Green: Do you have my spare earbuds?
Blue: Here.

Taking the earbuds, Green starts swinging them by the end of the wire like a slungshot. As he lets them loose, they hit the video-watching stranger on the back of the head with enough force to startle them and drop the phone.ALT
Read the whole story
bluebec
17 days ago
reply
Melbourne
Share this story
Delete
Next Page of Stories