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Politechs Episode 4 - Writers - Foz Meadows

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Writers - Foz Meadows

Season 2 · Episode 4

00:00 / 1:06:40

1x

Foz Meadows joins us to discuss his "Against AI" polemic, written in response to Erin Underwood's open letter to SFWA and the SFF community in the wake of the Science Fiction and Fantasy Writers Association's announcement that works written by LLM tools and works for which LLM tools were used at any point in the writing process would not be eligible for consideration. The conversation touches on not only Foz's piece, but also the sheer stupidity of thinking we can outsource the act of thinking to machines that do not think, what the introduction of LLMs is doing to education, and the role that writers—especially science fiction and fantasy writers—have to play in resisting the inevitability narrative.

Mentioned in this episode:

  1. Against AI - Foz's response to Erin Underwood's open letter to SFWA and the SFF community [permalink]
  2. Nebula Awards Rules - section 9.11 deals with LLM tools [permalink]
  3. Open Letter to the Science Fiction Writers Association and Community - by Erin Underwood [permalink]
  4. xkcd: Duty Calls - someone is wrong on the internet
  5. Dodge v. Ford Motor Co. - case in which the Michigan Supreme Court held that Henry Ford had to operate the Ford Motor Company in the interests of its shareholders, rather than for the benefit of his employees or customers
  6. No Take, Only Throw - a webcomic strip in which a dog wants to play fetch with its owner [permalink]

Transcript

00:00

Foz:Nothing is happening here. This is just a spinning of wheels. Nobody's learning, nobody's teaching. You've automated the entire point of the thing; nothing's being automated here, because you can't automate the human experience. You can't automate the point at which you as a person actually have to do something. And everyone's looking at it going, "Oh, this is so revolutionary." No it's not. It's just stupid. It's a naked emperor with his dick out and you are so hypnotised that you've convinced yourself it's something else.

00:31

[Theme music begins]

00:36

Josh:Welcome to Politechs. A show where two software developers break the fourth wall and talk about the interlacing of technology and politics. I'm Josh...

00:47

Ray:...and I'm Ray. We see technologies like crypto, AI and surveillance infecting our politics. Meanwhile, governments and the media are making out that all this is inevitable. We can't leave our future in the hands of scheming technology leaders and their pet politicians.

01:06

Josh:We're here to raise our voice and open up the space for honest, good-faith discussions. To help us organise and sharpen our ideas, we have invited some interesting and highly respected thinkers to share their understanding and their research with us, and of course, with you.

01:22

Ray:Politechs is where we smash the myths and get to the truth.

01:34

Josh:Ray, we need to talk about writers.

01:37

Ray:There's so much slop these days. Let's hope that we can discuss writing in a meaningful way, and about the fact that writing is really about human communication, from human to human; how we sit in our thoughts. To me writing—well, reading, more than writing—is about sitting in your thoughts and being pensive about the text and thinking about what the writer meant. Living in your own world, that they've created for you, but you're also creating yourself. It's a real beautiful thing, but I'm obviously worried about writing now because, is it real? Is it is anything going be real again? So it would be wonderful if we had a writer to discuss this with.

02:19

Josh:Ray, I have just such a writer in mind. A real human being, not a slop machine.

02:26

Ray:That's good. That's good.

02:27

Josh:[Laughs] We have Foz Meadows, who has graciously agreed to join us today. So Foz, thank you so much for coming on the show, and hello. Do you want to introduce yourself to our audience of three people? [Laughter]

02:43

Foz:Hello, hi, I'm Foz Meadows. Thank you very much for having me. I am a science fiction and fantasy writer. My most recent books were a queer romantic fantasy duology, "A Strange and Stubborn Endurance" and "All the Hidden Paths". I've got another book, "The Weight and the Measure", coming out at the end of 2026. I also have a Hugo Award for yelling on the internet, AKA fan writing. [Laughter]

03:09

Josh:That's awesome. I'm actually a big fan of science fiction and fantasy. And actually, the last few years I've gotten—I was kind of out of date with my science fiction reading, especially—so I have a friend who recommended me a lot of new authors, and whilst I haven't read anything of yours yet, I will be sure to remedy that. It is really cool to see what some of the newer science fiction and fantasy writers are doing, especially around queer identities and so on. It's amazing. It's very different than Isaac Asimov, let me tell you, in a good way. [Laughter] You mentioned that you have a Hugo Award. First of all, congratulations. That's very cool.

03:53

Josh:Mad respect. The reason that you popped onto our radar, however, was to do not with the Hugo Awards, but with the Nebula Awards, I believe?

04:03

Josh:You had written a piece, which I believe was called "Against AI" [1]—nice and pithy—and that was in response to what another writer had written about something that the Nebula Awards Committee had written. So maybe I'll stop talking and you can explain all of this to us. What happened? What did you write?

04:27

Foz:OK, so the context for this is that you have the SFWA, which is the Science Fiction Writers Association, who are in charge of, among other things, setting the rules and conditions for the Nebula Awards, which is one of the premier awards in science fiction and fantasy writing. And essentially, out of nowhere, the SFWA suddenly dropped this rule amendment about the role of AI writing when it comes to the awards. [2] And it was basically two rule changes. The first of which said that no generative AI works will be allowed in consideration for the Nebulas—very good.

05:07

And then the second one was, if any AI tools are used in the creation of a work, that must be disclosed on the final ballot. And it was this that people immediately within the science fiction writing community objected to and said, "Well, hang on, saying that it'll be disclosed on the ballot implies that you will allow works that have been authored in part with the use of AI tools to be in consideration. If they're going to be on the ballot, then that means you're not disqualifying them."

05:35

There was a lot of very immediate pushback to this and to its credit, very very quickly the SFWA said, "We did not intend for this. This is bad wording on our part. We have now amended the wording to say that if you use these AI tools in the creation of a work, you must disclose that to the awards and therein after you will not be eligible." So that was the context for what happened.

05:58

And then, I think it was the next day or within a couple of days of this, there is a prominent sort of news and commentary site within science-fiction-fantasy-landia called File 770, which is run by Mike Glyer, which is frequently on the Hugo ballot. I think has won in the past for sort of fanzine, pro-zine, semi-prozine, one of those categories. I forget which one specifically, but the point is it is very well known. And onto file 770 was posted a long piece by a woman named Erin Underwood saying, "Hey, I think we need to have a more nuanced conversation about AI tools and whether or not we are just going to blanket disqualify works that use them". [3] And she used—by her own admission—she used AI to help her write this piece.

06:51

Charitably, the one point I think that she was making that had some kind of relevance to this was, "Well look, AI tools are now so common across various platforms within the publishing backend in some instances; even if they're not being overtly used by the publisher, the fact that the tools come bundled with software that the publisher might use or that the author might use means that potentially there is a situation where say someone wasn't aware that Copilot in Microsoft Word was doing their spell checking for them. And if they use that auto suggest, as you might with a text to choose their next word, does that count as having used an AI tool? Therefore, we need a nuanced approach to not just outright banning the use of AI tools—but of course, generative AI is wrong".

07:39

And it was a very, in my opinion, self-contradictory and not particularly helpful piece. Partly, I think the fact that it was written with AI and was—I don't mean to be bitchy with this—but not written particularly well. If this was the work of AI, it was not a great advertisement for AI because it was very repetitive and overlong.

07:58

Josh:[Laughs] With an amazing long bullet list right in the middle. That was spectacular.

08:03

Foz:Yeah. But the point that she was making, the key point was, "How do we define the use of AI tools if this is going to be the thing?" And my response to that was simply, look, if that's your concern, then the Nebulas—sorry, the SFWA—very very clearly responded quickly to this. They can work on the wording to specifically say, "If you've used something on the level of a spell check, we're not mad about that. We're mad specifically about generative AI. And if there is substantial text or a whole sentence, say, in the work that you yourself did not write, that the AI tool, whatever it was, produced, that's the thing that we are considering generative, and that's what we are trying to crack down on. And maybe we spiritually disagree if you want to use ChatGPT for research or for this or for that, but you're a grown adult. We can't stop you doing that. The point is that we are not wanting to consider works that have AI generated text within them". And so I wrote a response to Erin Underwood's piece

09:03

Josh:Thanks for giving us the background there, Foz. And obviously, we read your piece, we thought it was fire. What was it specifically that you felt like, "No, I gotta write something about this"? What triggered you to throw your hat in the ring, as it were?

09:22

Foz:My problem is that I am the personification, firstly, of that xkcd comic about someone is wrong on the internet. [4] [Laughter] And also, Adam Scott from Parks and Rec[reation] being like, "I don't have time to explain to you how wrong you are. Actually, it's going to bug me if I don't." [Laughter] Sadly, I am chronically incapable of shutting the fuck up.

09:43

Ray:Well that's good. You're in the right place. [Laughter]

09:48

Foz:The specific thing that got under my skin was this idea—I think the phrase she used was, "We can't put the genie back in the bottle". That AI just exists now and therefore we need to roll with it, we need to accept it, we need to take it into account. And so we shouldn't be punishing authors for the decision that a publisher might make to use AI tools on the backend when editing their work. Oh, but of course we should respect the fact that AI tools are built on plagiarism, and we want to respect the rights of authors. And it was just this maddening contradiction where it's like, look, if you're going to acknowledge that AI is foundationally unethical and built on plagiarism, is environmentally disastrous, is doing all of these other terrible things, is immoral and fucked up in all of these other kinds of ways.

10:34

But specifically for this conversation, the plagiarism is the sticking point with a lot of people—not the sticking point as in this is the one line you've transgressed—it's more—and I said this in my piece—if the plagiarism with which the tool was built was the only thing that was bad about AI, that would still be grounds for not wanting to use it. The fact that it is terrible in all of these other ways, in addition to that, just compounds the offence. But for the purposes of this conversation, to say as a writer and somebody in that community, "Oh, of course we can be mad about generative AI and we want to respect the rights of authors. We want to make sure things aren't done to their work without their consent. But we should also be planning for a world and accepting a world in which AI tools will be used by publishers or used by third parties on the works of writers without their knowledge or consent." Like that's a fundamental contradiction to me.

11:28

And the fact that she didn't seem to realise this activated the part of my brain that has to have an opinion, which frankly is not very hard to do. But that was the that was the key thing. That was the key point that made me go, "Hang on, I'm mad now and I need to sit down and write something about it."

11:43

Ray:She admitted it was written by AI, but in that part there where she says, "Oh I admit the AI helped me to write it," but what she said was, "I read it like three or four times. I revised it. And basically I wanted to make sure that what the AI wrote was aligned with my vision". Now, this seemed to me to be a strong justification for using AI because it was labour saving, ot outsourced the thinking to this machine. But then she was trying to claim ownership of the output of that machine. In other words, "I didn't have to do the thinking, but that thinking that it produced was kind of like the vision or the thinking that I had, and then I went back and I edited it and I changed it and it lined up." That's the slippery slope to me in that in that essay. She was essentially saying that the AI wrote it, but I own it because I reread it and I made some changes to it. That was a very annoying argument. That was the thing that really got me.

12:50

Foz:Yeah, I think that is to me a foundational concern with AI. It's such an irritating thing to have to be arguing in favour of ownership, because creatively I like the idea of a sandbox. I like the idea that we are intellectually and thematically and creatively riffing on each other. However, because we live in a capitalist hellscape and also because attribution matters, it does matter whose words you are citing in a given moment; you can't pretend that somebody else's work is your own. This is why we have a concept of plagiarism. And I don't like foundationally with AI this idea that the words don't matter.

13:29

Most authors that I know have, at some point or another, had the experience of having a person who is not an author come up to them at a party or a friend's gathering or at a convention and say, "Hey, I've got this fantastic idea, but I'm not a writer. And I'll be generous and I'll split it 50-50 with you. [Laughter] I'll give you the idea, and you do the writing, and then we will split the profits". I've had this happen to me multiple times. Other authors I know have had this happen to them multiple times. You'll get cold emails about it periodically. It's usually some guy in his late 60s. I don't know what it is, but I've never had a woman do it to me. It's only ever been dudes. I don't know if that's just a narrow experience, or if it's just a particular type of demographic that is prone to underestimating a particular kind of labour.

14:16

But the use of AI—and I am not the first person to say this—often feels like it exists to cater to this guy specifically: the kind of guy who foundationally devalues the labour of writing. And it's maddening, because it's very much an instance where the map is the territory. And you can collaborate; I'm not saying that collaboration between two parties, where one comes up with an idea and the other does the material work of putting it onto paper, I'm not saying that can never be something that works. There are many instances in which it does. But that is a collaboration where those two parties know each other, or they work together, or they have some reason to be doing this. It doesn't begin from a place of, "Well, clearly the idea is the most important thing and you're just gonna do the menial work and I'm gonna be so generous and allow you to benefit from my intellectual prowess when I haven't actually done anything and I don't understand that putting the words on the page is the material act of making this thing real".

15:26

And I say all that because I think at the heart of a lot of this use of AI is this idea of outsourcing thinking. And so, while it does matter that the words themselves on the page do not come from the person in the sense of being not authored by that person or being plagiarised—because you don't know whose words you might be getting, because it's all a soup; you don't know at any given moment if the text an AI spits out is stolen wholesale from some other person—but also in the sense that the intellectual process you go through to come up with that string of words in that order to express that sentiment is part of what establishes the thought as your own. And when you don't do that work, and when you cannot see the physical human being to whom you might have outsourced it in a collaboration or with whom you might be working in a collaboration, you haven't really done anything.

16:20

Any more than historically once upon a time a patron of the arts who commissioned a sculptor and said, "Hey, I want you to make a sculpture of me looking heroic sitting on a horse." They came up with that idea. They commissioned someone to do it. But we do not say therefore, that the patron made the work. They paid for it. They got somebody else to do it, but they didn't do it themselves. And this idea that coming up with a prompt, that coming up with an idea is equivalent to the labour of making that thing real, is maddening to me.

16:54

Ray: I completely agree because I think that there's this concept of this idea—the idea that was that was most famously done from the programming perspective was the Facebook idea. That Zuckerberg had this relationship with some twins. I can't remember their names now.

17:15

Ray:The Winklevoss twins. The Winklevoss twins were not programmers, but they had this idea about the social network—and I think there was eventually a settlement about this. The argument was, "Well, just because you had the idea doesn't mean that you produced the thing." And producing the thing is, like you say, that's the hard part. That's the tricky part. Reifying an idea is a fundamentally challenging activity. The problem with this slop thing is that they're degrading this reification process into an outsourcing machine that just extrudes stuff. But that stuff that's being extruded is sufficiently plausible for a lot of people to consider to be good enough.

18:05

And I think this is where things get problematic, I reckon, is because we can argue about the logic, the ethics, and all that fundamental negativity and horror, but for a lot of people, I would say, they have this idea and they say, "Write it for me." And they're actually quite happy with the slop that comes out. How do you feel about that? Because that's super worrying to me, that people will consider this to be good enough.

18:35

Foz:I'm not tactful about AI. [Laughter] I loathe and despise it with a fiery vengeance. I'm aware that therefore that I make some strong claims when I talk about it. Sometimes that is for exaggerative purpose; mostly it's not. But I genuinely do think that in a vast majority of cases, AI is embraced by people who lack the skills to do the thing otherwise. That's why they're using it. And it's not that they are necessarily incapable of developing those skills. Overwhelmingly, something like ChatGPT, we know is used by students. Which I think is a tragedy in and of itself, because rather than learning to think, which is the purpose of the education they are undertaking, they are outsourcing that because they just want the result.

19:22

And to be fair, a lot of them have been trained by inadequate education systems and inadequate methods of teaching—and this is not a knock on teachers; I value and respect teachers—but to believe that the outcome is the only thing that matters. That education consists of nothing but number go up, grade go up; grade good, bad grade bad. And so they don't think that there's an intellectual process. It's just producing the result. Just handing an assignment in. Just completing the task. Because it is not emphasised to them, I think in a lot of instances, that no, this is actually the mental process that you go through. You are training your brain. You are learning how to do something. And so they just think, "Well, all I have to do is have this information pass through my hands in some way, shape or form, and I turn it in, and then magically I level up. Magically I've done the thing. That's all that's required. I just have to sit through the process."

20:17

And I think it is an indictment on—particularly America's education system—that so many people within it have been trained to think of it that way. And I could go on a long tangent as to why I think that's the case. But essentially you just have this situation where people are not valuing their own thoughts. They're not valuing the work. And because of that, a lot of them are not willing to put in the hard work that it takes to get good at something. And then along comes AI, and it plays to the secret vanity of so many people, particularly with generative AI, of people who've said, "Well, I see people getting acclaim and respect for being an artist or for being a writer, and I want that acclaim. I want to be acclaimed as a writer and an artist too, but I don't want to have to undergo the mortifying ordeal of being bad at something in order to get good at something. I just want to be good at it right away."

21:12

It's like every six-year-old at their first piano lesson. [Laughter] "I just want to be good at it right away. And if I'm not good at it right away, then I'm never going to be good at it and this is a waste of my time. I just want to jump ahead to the part where I'm immediately a prodigy at this thing." And that's the appeal to vanity that generative AI has for so many people. And so when it comes to something like writing—particularly on the internet in the modern day and age, because you basically can't be online without typing or texting or writing in some way, shape, or form—I think it has led to this situation where people think that writing is easy to do. It is easy to type, if you have learned how to type, and you can communicate in a written way, in an effective way, in an email, in a text message, in whatever. But writing as something where you are trying to communicate with intent, if you are trying to tell a story or write an essay or undertake a piece of criticism, is actually a skill.

22:15

And a lot of people, I think, over the past 15–20 years have either lost that sense that it's a skill or have never been raised with it in the first place. They think that all writing is more or less fundamentally the same until they sit down and try and do it themselves and realise, "Oh, this is actually difficult." [Laughter] And so there is this devaluing—just by virtue of what the modern internet is—of writing as a skilled form of communication.

22:44

And so people do not necessarily have themselves the skill, because they've not taken the time to develop it, to recognise that when they get something out of ChatGPT, is this a good piece of writing or not? They can't assess it. And that I think is the great danger in all of this—one of the many great dangers—is that when you use AI, it's not teaching you how to be a better writer. It is actively making you worse because it is outsourcing your thinking to something that doesn't think. It's not teaching you craft, it's not teaching you skill. And so you do not have the ability to assess the skill level of what the output is unless you already had that skill. So it becomes this paradoxical thing. And people don't recognise that because they've fallen out of the habit of recognising that writing requires skill in the first place.

23:33

Josh:There's so much good stuff you said just in there. It's interesting, because I just read a Cory Doctorow piece that he put out—I think one or two days ago as of this recording—on his blog, where he's talking specifically about the Intro to Composition class that a lot of universities teach for basic writing. And he's talking exactly about how you talked about the education system becoming very output-oriented. It's the grade, not the process. So we're not teaching you how to think, we're teaching you how to puke out a five paragraph essay on a test.

24:11

So what he was getting at there is like the way that you get good at writing is by engaging with other writers, and—he's talking about seminars where you criticise each other's work—but he says, "What's really going on here is you're thinking a lot about your own work. So the feedback you're getting from the other writers almost kind of doesn't matter. It's just the process you're putting your own mind through. This is what's doing the sharpening." And you're right, if you're just typing a prompt into ChatGPT you're losing all of that. You're not doing any of that, so you're not going to get better.

24:49

But I think there's another interesting angle to this too, which is something we've talked about before on this show. There is this desire to reduce human beings to our output. And if you can say that the only worth of a human is what they produce, then it kind of doesn't matter how they've produced it, and now why don't we just automate away that human? And so the last thing that you said that really resonated with me is, you said you lose the ability to—and I'm paraphrasing wildly, but what I heard you say, let me put it that way—was that you lose the ability to tell whether something being extruded from the slop machine is any good. And I've had this experience myself where something I've written, I kind of walk away from it and I haven't thought about it, and I come back to the text and I read it and I'm kind of stuck on the thing that I've already written, and I don't let myself engage with the thinking behind it. And this is something that I've written myself; just imagine if it's something that's being spewed out of ChatGPT. I'm really anchored on the words and I've totally lost the ability to now think about this. And I find that concerning.

26:16

Foz:I do think that part of what has led to this particular and cultural inflection point with regard to AI is this online rise in puritanism—particularly among Gen Z, but not exclusive to Gen Z—because one of the things that is a hallmark of it is a discomfort with thought, with this idea of thought crime, with the idea that what you think in your head or something that you enjoy in fiction is inherently a measure of your morality in terms of the real world. And I think that this genuinely does create a discomfort with a certain kind of necessary thought, because if you are going to think about politics, if you are going to think about morality, if you're going to think about any remotely difficult topic, you are going to have to have difficult thoughts. You are going to have to contemplate things that you don't want to contemplate. You are going to have to think about different perspectives.

27:09

And a lot of people are so unwilling to do that, are unwilling to think about difficult things, because of the inherent discomfort that involves and their fear that if they have this thought, that's going to make them a bad person. And I do blame Christian cultural influence for this to a great deal because there is that idea that if you think a sin, then that's as sinful as doing it. And it bleeds into this wider culture, this idea that God is watching you, and if you think something, then he knows, and that's bad. So you have to you have to be minding your thoughts. You have to be not thinking, or only thinking the right things, and that means you can only talk about the right things. You can only express the right ideas. You can't muddle your way through. You can't make a mistake. You can't contemplate ideas and moral problems. You can't think about things from different angles because if you are engaging in that act of discomfort, that act of thinking, then you are being bad in some way.

28:07

And I think when people—particularly younger people—are caught up in that sort of resurgent puritanism, in that mindset, then using something like ChatGPT becomes very tempting because then they don't have to grapple with the idea at all. They're outsourcing the discomfort. They can just ask what appears to be an authority, "What do you think about this? What is what is the answer here?" And I say this unironically, I do think that there is a real parallel to be drawn from the way that some people use tools like ChatGPT and the way that some people interact with religion. Where it is, here is like a black box, here is here is a holy text or here is an AI, and I have decided that this thing has all of the answers. I have decided that this is the thing that will do my thinking for me. This is the only medium through which I think. And whatever answer this spits out, that is what I absorb and I repeat uncritically.

29:03

And there is such a danger in that, I feel, because people then don't question. And in a very profound sense, I think that there is nothing more dangerous to human beings, there is nothing that causes us harm quite like a premise that cannot be questioned in good faith. And religion tends to fall under those auspices and AI for a lot of people now falls under those auspices where you cannot question the validity of the technology, you cannot question the fact that it doesn't think, it's "Oh, it's meant to be this repository of wisdom", and even just by virtue of the name—which is itself a misnomer. It's not intelligent. It's algorithms. It's a large language model. It doesn't think. But people are predisposed—in particular when they don't understand the difference—because of the name, they think, "Oh, it must be objective. It must know. If the AI says it, then it must be so." And that's not how anything works. But the more people treat it as though it does, the more harm I think bleeds into the world because of that. And it makes me incandescently angry. [Laughter]

30:11

Ray:I think you're right that AI solves a similar purpose, which is that it's a trusted thing—and we've talked on this show before about trust—and I think this is one of those incredibly important things, that computers are trusted by people. And it's been building up ever since the computers could do numbers correctly, whereas humans felt like they weren't as good at numbers as computers were. Computer can add four big numbers together, it can multiply them together, it can do it quicker than we are, so it it's smarter than we are.

30:45

And i heard this guy—bringing us back on point—the CEO of DeepMind was being interviewed recently about looking forward to 2026, looking back over the last few years of AI, and he was saying, "Yeah, the public are ahead of these researchers and people like us who are sceptics, because the public realised that if it can if it can answer questions in a smart way, then it's already intelligent. AGI is already here because ChatGPT is able to answer questions plausibly. It can answer, it can do maths for me. Computers can do maths. Computers can search documents very quickly." And I'm thinking, holy shit, you're just a plain liar. You're just an absolute liar—to make money; I get it—but how the hell can you stand up there and say this kind of nonsense?

31:38

Foz:Well, they say that sociopaths are overrepresented among CEOs.

31:42

Ray:[Laughs] Yes. Just to bring us back a little bit towards the writing, reading thing. When Josh was saying to me at the beginning about talking about writers, one of the things that interests me—and I'm not a writer. I mean, I'd like to be a writer. I am humble enough to realise that my attempts are paltry. Maybe I can get better, and one of these days I will try and do that. But I do like to read. And one of the things that worries me with this authority stuff, and the AI stuff especially, is that people are looking for quick fixes, quick information, quick snippets. They want summaries. They don't want to read a book. They want to find out what happened in the book. And actually, oftentimes, what happens in a book isn't interesting.

32:34

The plot is really just kind of like—Shakespeare, for example, used plots from many many different plays. Plots can be plagiarised, plots can be moved around, and characters can be stereotypes. But what's interesting is how it actually—the summary isn't interesting—what's interesting is the thing. The book is interesting. The process of reading this thing is interesting. So I was wondering—maybe I'm just having moral panic—but it feels to me like the next generation—and I see in my own kids—don't read, won't read. And it's going to be confined either to a very small elite or something else. So, we can talk about writers, but writers need readers. So how do you feel about that evolution? Or am I being a bit too dramatic?

33:27

Foz:I don't think you're being dramatic. I think that we're undergoing a period of testing a premise, shall we say. And there's a sense in which I think—because I said earlier, I think there's nothing quite as dangerous for people as a premise that cannot be tested in good faith. I don't think the premise that we're testing here is being tested in good faith. Nonetheless, I think it can withstand the testing. And the thing that's being tested here is essentially the validity of written expression, the validity of writing as a form of communication. And I think we're already seeing that people are playing with this at the moment because they have the technology to do so.

34:08

For instance, to your point about summaries, there was an app, an AI quote unquote "reading" app, that I saw promoted on TikTok a couple of months back. So within the TikTok ecosystem, there is the phenomenon of "BookTok", where people talk about books, they review them, all of this stuff. And so it was in the context of "BookTok" that somebody, who I think was either a BookToker or was just using the tag, but was talking about setting her reading goals for the year and "Look how many books I'm getting through because I adopted this app where you tell it a book and it produces a digest of the book. And you read the digest and that's basically like reading the book. So I've read 60 books in the past two weeks because I've read these digests."

34:58

And everybody unanimously responded to it and went, "Are you insane? No. You haven't read shit." That's like me saying I read 15 blurbs today, so I've read 15 books. No I fucking haven't. What are you talking about? Words mean things, actually. And you see this happening. I think the problem is that there is, to me at least, a sense in which this conversation around writing and around the use of AI to substitute for thought in writing is a real where the rubber meets the road moment for redaction of process. Because you can't take the thinking out of thinking, right? It's definitionally the thing that you cannot do. And that's what people are discovering. They're not necessarily discovering it at the speed that I would like them to discover it, but we are seeing this. Because it's an immovable fact, you cannot get around it.

36:03

One of the comparisons that I make with this when it comes to people trying to use AI to write for them or think for them is that it's like, look, it would be like if you sent a robot to the gym to exercise for you and then claimed that you were getting gains. You haven't done shit. The fact that you came out with the workout routine that you told the robot to do and then it came back, the robot's not getting fitter. It's a fucking robot. Nobody is getting... all that's happening is the gym equipment is getting used, but you're not getting fitter. The robot's not getting fitter, because it fucking can't because it's a robot, and you're sitting there and then you're going to go and do something that requires the extra muscle you think you've been gaining and you're going to be surprised when you can't do it. And so, there is a real sense, people talk about learned helplessness with the use of AI, right? Because it is training people to not be able to do things that they were already perfectly capable of doing. And it is this sort of loss of intellectual muscle.

37:02

I think there's all different kinds of metaphors you can use for this. Another one is people who put Splenda, like a non-calorie sugar substitute, in a hummingbird feeder. And then the hummingbirds die, because they actually do need the calories. A hummingbird doesn't need to be slimming down, right? But the hummingbird thinks it's eaten something because it's a hummingbird. It doesn't know that you put fucking Splenda in its feeder. It thinks it's getting sugar. It thinks it's getting food. And then poor little thing keels over and dies. There is this intellectual equivalent of that here, where people think—because they are using AI—they think that they are thinking, and they are not. And then they are going to meet an intellectual task that requires them to do something and they will not be able to do it.

37:46

And I think Gen Z really is bearing the brunt of this. They've gotten—particularly younger Gen Z—the worst of both worlds here where they've grown up very online, but then they were also stuck inside during COVID, and now a lot of them are under-socialised and are academically behind, frankly, because of COVID, because they the quality of their education dropped over that period. They've started at university, ChatGPT comes along and they're like, "Well, great, this is a way for me to catch up. Because I was stuck inside. I didn't get to do things. Now I want to be outside. I'm behind. I haven't learned how to do this level of work because I was just in front of a computer screen." And it's making the problem worse.

38:29

And at the same time, you've got companies who are saying, "Oh, we're going to fire our existing coding staff and we're going to hire vibe coders." And then five minutes later, we're very quickly going to hire the real people back because it turned out that as soon as something went wrong with the vibe coded code, nobody who created it knew how to fix it. And just all of this stuff where you can lie about things to a certain extent. You can pretend that what you are doing is building intellectual muscle—or real muscle for that matter—but at a certain point that gets tested. You have to actually do the thing that you've claimed you're capable of doing. And in one way or another, people are finding out that they cannot do these things. And either they just then become dependent on the AI to do it for them, which is very very sad, or they realise, "Shit, I'm not actually doing what I thought I was doing."

39:17

Josh:Yeah, so you mentioned programming there. And what I have seen that is really strange to me as a programmer, is I have seen my fellow programmers embracing these LLM coding tools. And to me, it seems so obvious that if I were to do that, my actual ability to produce good code would atrophy. If I'm outsourcing the thinking, like you said, I can't take the thinking out of thinking and still maintain the ability to think. And I'm just wondering—I mean, programmers are doing this and programmers who I have in the past respected—I'm just wondering, are you seeing writers doing this to themselves? Are you seeing this self-inflicted gunshot wound of an LLM in your community?

40:10

Foz:I mean, I think there are absolutely people who have been using it, and because the community is so broadly opposed to it, a lot of them have not been saying out loud that they've been doing it. Nonetheless, I would not be surprised if it was happening. And I think that there is a kind of hubris here, but also—hubris on the one hand, and on the other hand, the terrible, inevitable folly of human nature, which is that sometimes you have to learn things the hard way in order to learn them. You can be intellectually told something, but until you experience the consequences, it doesn't really sink in.

40:45

An example for this I think is that if you have always been competent in a certain kind of way, it is very very easy to slip into thinking—or if you've been competent for a long time, if you've been skilled for a long time—it is very very easy to assume that this is now a baseline facet of who you are, that it cannot degrade, that you cannot get worse. And my personal example of this is my level of fitness. So for those listening, I have a physique that at present is somewhere between dungeon master and barbecue uncle. [Laughter]

41:21

And I did not used to have this physique. I used to be incredibly fit. When I was a teenager, I was basically half my present body weight and I was muscular and I exercised. The thing was I had a very active childhood. I was constantly running, I was constantly climbing, going through the bush, I was swimming, I was playing tennis, I was horse riding. It was a baseline component of my youth that I just did a lot of physical activity. And as a result, surprise surprise, I was very fit. And as such, I did not have any concept of what it was like to not be fit because I'd never been anything else.

41:56

And so when I started at university and discovered—well, I'd already discovered drinking by that point—but drinking openly and going to parties and socialising, suddenly I was not being shepherded to various athletic events by a school calendar or a parent or just the same routine that I'd had through high school. I stopped being as active—even though I was walking around campus every day, I was not at the level of activity that I'd previously been—and I was shocked, genuinely, viscerally shocked, the first time that I went swimming after not having swum for the first time in my life for sort of the better part of a year.

42:36

And I could tell that I wasn't as fast as I had been. I wasn't as strong. I was tiring. And it was it was jarring. I was like, "How is this even possible? I'm a good swimmer." And I had to sit and confront with the fact that, yes, you can lose the muscle. You can lose the ability. It can atrophy. You haven't been in a pool. Of course your ability to swim has gone away. But even though I could have logically intuited that, because I'd never been in that situation before, I just hadn't expected it. And I think that there is something similar here with people who are good at their field, coders that you respect. You see this with academics in various fields who are getting caught up using ChatGPT to generate papers or to generate citations that don't exist in fields of law and medicine. People who you would think would know better.

43:23

But they are so used—I suspect in many of these cases—they are so used to a certain base level of competence from themselves. They are so used to just this just being who they are, that it does not occur to them that they can get worse. That you can fail to do something you've always been able to do. That you can degrade your own capability by ceasing to practice it, by getting lazy, by getting sloppy, by outsourcing it to something. And they think, "Oh, but because I'm an intelligent person, because I'm a knowledgeable person doing this, obviously, there's going to be no problem. I'm not like those idiots who are using it to substitute for expertise. I've already got the expertise." And they don't see that expertise can go away, that it can degrade, that this is an active muscle that they are using, doing all of this work. And as soon as they stop, the muscle's going to shrink.

44:16

Ray:I think in a lot of the cases, places like law firms or whatever, where they're outsourcing to AI and looking up fictitious case law, it's because, again, they trust the computer. It's a trust thing. And the reason why they trust them is because they've had clerks before. They're basically substituting the clerk, the computer is substituting for the clerk. Now, if the clerk got something wrong, you could fire the clerk or you could retrain the clerk. You could discuss with the clerk where things went wrong. With the AI, it turns out there are disclaimers on these things: AIs get things wrong, please check your work. But people don't. So I think there's a muscle thing, but the there's definitely a trust thing as well.

45:04

Then the question is, if there's so many people out there that are going to default to be lazy—the word lazy is kind of like, I don't like the word lazy because it implies a certain projection—the question really is, if people aren't being lazy, what are the incentives that we have to alter to some extent to change this mode of behaviour which will default to convenience, which will default to—if they assume that they can trust this thing—they will default to it because the incentives are output something. In a lot of work, it's do an output, do a thing, produce an opinion in case law, make a diagnostic in medicine, write a program in code.

45:56

Ray:Make a book. [Laughs]

45:58

Foz:I mean, I think in certain contexts, I think—and I'm thinking specifically here of students using ChatGPT, particularly within the American education system, the American tertiary education system. The American secondary education system versus the tertiary education system, I think is a fascinating toxic dichotomy between failure meaning nothing and failure meaning everything. And I think you put those two things back to back. Thanks to George W. Bush's "No Child Left Behind" bullshit, it is functionally impossible to fail in American secondary education. Because the framework that exists is that you have to at all costs try and pass the child, regardless of whether they know the material. And it's something that has materially contributed to this reframing of education as not a thought process, not a learning process, not actually having to know the material, but just a box checking exercise.

46:55

Which has had this knock-on effect of teachers not assigning full books for people to read anymore, it's just the excerpts that'll be on the test. This constant streamlining of where it's forgotten its own purpose. But it means that in many instances you have these students who, the idea of having to learn is meaningless in some sense, because failure is meaningless, because you can you can get Fs in everything and still the school will bend over, because it has to, to try and pass you to make you sure you get up to the next grade. And I think it materially degrades the whole idea of education because you're not actually learning. It just becomes a hoop to jump through. It's not about why you're doing it in the first place.

47:36

But then you have these students go on to the American tertiary education system, which is deeply, prohibitively, criminally expensive and where the consequences therefore of failing are literally life ruining. Because if you fuck up and you have student loan debt, that debt doesn't go away. You're just saddled with that debt forever. And so you have these two extremes where you go from failure means nothing to failure can literally ruin the rest of your life. Both of these are inimical to actually learning. Because one, nothing means anything, and the other, you have to be able to fail at times in order to learn. Failure is a component of learning.

48:22

But if the stakes are so high, and you've got no experience actually trying before, or you've got no concept of what it means to have a meaningful consequence for failure and then suddenly the only consequence you've got is a literal all or nothing the rest of your life is ruined, it creates this perfect storm where people are tempted to use ChatGPT. Because they've not actually learned how to do the thing that they are ostensibly there to do. They've got no meaningful experience of failure in this respect. And then suddenly they're told, if you if you fuck this up, you fucked up forever. And so, "Oh, OK. I don't know how to do this. I don't know anything. I'm gonna use the machine." But there is gonna be a reckoning down the line with this because you are going to end up with graduates across multiple fields who simply cannot do the work for which they have ostensibly received a qualification.

49:14

Josh:Which is nothing new, but now we've just automated it and...

49:18

Foz:We've expedited it.

49:19

Josh:Yeah, exactly. So now anybody can do it. Cheating is not hard anymore.

49:23

Foz:No. And it becomes this thing—it's comical when you look at the way AI is being pushed into all of these fields and in some cases adopted by people in these fields when it doesn't really need to be. If you've got students who are using AI to do assignments that teachers have generated using AI and are being marked using AI, nothing is happening here. This is just a spinning of wheels. Nobody's learning. Nobody's teaching. You've automated the entire point of the thing. Nothing's being automated here, because you can't automate the human experience. You can't automate the point at which you as a person actually have to do something. And everyone's looking at it going, "Oh, this is so revolutionary." No, it's not. It's just stupid. It's a naked emperor with his dick out and you are so hypnotised that you've convinced yourself it's something else. It does make you feel insane in this moment to be the metaphoric small boy repeatedly pointing out the emperor is naked. And everyone's like, "No he's not. He's not naked. The fact that you can see his dick is completely coincidental."

50:28

Ray:I think theatre requires you to suspend your disbelief, and I think that's what we're talking about here, isn't it? That everything is kind of becoming theatrical. Everything is becoming made up. Like you say, if everything is made up, then I guess the question is, are you going to do a job, that's all made up, everything is essentially automated. At what point do we feel the pain? That maybe is the interesting question. I mean, we individually might feel some atrophication of our thought processes or our ability to do certain things. But what are the bigger consequences, do you think, for us?

51:06

Foz:I think that this is like there's an end game here of something that has actually been going since the early 1900s. And there was a court case I only found out about recently. It was Henry Ford. There was a legal ruling in the United States that said that Henry Ford did not have a responsibility to run his company for the benefit of the employees or for the benefit of his customers, so much as he had the responsibility to run it for the benefit of the shareholders. [5] Such that he could he could screw up the quality, he could underpay and overwork the workers, so long as the shareholders were benefiting. There was a legal ruling to this effect in the United States, in about 1910, I think. That's probably the wrong date. But early 1900s.

51:50

And that I think genuinely, that logic is a cancer within businesses, a cancer within tech, is a cancer within all fields, this idea of the shareholder. Because the shareholder is functionally—and I mean this with my full chest—a parasite. The reason that we have a business, say, that is a restaurant, is because people need to eat food and the food needs to come from somewhere. And if you make the food worse in quality, if you underpay and overwork the servers, if you do everything to make being in the restaurant a progressively worse and shittier experience, because the people who are parasitic on this, the shareholders who are just making money out of nowhere, right? It is like some sort of sci-fi / fantasy soul-sucking concept, where the life force is being drained from the thing in order to feed this external entity that has no material bearing on why the thing exists in the first place.

52:47

And then it is parasitic because eventually that business fails and the shareholders cash in and they move on to the next thing. That's basically what private equity is. But that mindset that that a business is successful on paper and thus successful in the stock market, if it is for the benefit of shareholders—because you've got this entire business ecosystem that is bewitched by the concept of number go up—and you have these private equity firms buying up companies, effectively looting them, leaving them hollowed out, desiccated corpses, and then moving on to the next, people lose jobs, the quality of the products goes down, everything gets worse for everybody else, except for these fucking ticks drinking the blood out of everything.

53:29

AI, I think, is the end game of that. Where it doesn't matter why we're actually doing this in the first place. It doesn't matter why people write in the first place, or why people read. It doesn't matter that this is a form of communication. It doesn't matter that the reason that we have human beings doing these jobs in the first place is because you need a human being to do the job. It's underpants gnomes logic—if you remember the underpants gnomes from very early South Park. Where it was step one: collect underpants, step two: mumble mumble, step three: profit. And there's no connection between those things. That is what AI does. It's this underpants gnomes logic of, "Of course we're going to profit by putting AI in literally everything, because we think it's cool and the stock market is happy about it." And it's sawing off—comically—it's sawing off the same branch that you're sitting on. Not you two, obviously, but the companies that are doing this.

54:24

They're so completely removed from the reality of anything because they're bewitched by number go up, they do not see that they are destroying themselves. At a certain point, there's a base level of stuff that needs to happen for the world to function. You need people in jobs. You need food. You need literature. You need all of these things. Things have to actually tangibly exist. People interact with them. We have all of these things for a reason. And the reason isn't so shareholders can get rich. If you just make everything for the shareholders, everything else will starve. Everything else will die. And we've been accelerating and accelerating that process, and AI is the end game of that acceleration.

55:05

And so at a certain point, it is just going to become apparent that no actually, you can't you can't successfully run something through AI alone. It just doesn't work. I don't know if you know; there's a very old famous viral cartoon of a dog with a ball in its mouth, and it's two panels—it's a ball or a stick; I can't remember—but it's "No take, only throw." [6] That difficulty when you've got a dog that wants you to throw the ball for it but it won't let you take the ball out of its mouth.

55:31

Josh:Yeah, I had one of those.

55:33

Foz:No take, only throw. Companies are like this: no spend, only earn. Where it's like, "We want to make money. We want to make money, but we're not willing to pay anybody. And we don't want to have any expenditure that we don't have to have and we want to cut..." you know, you only get money when people have money to fucking spend it.

55:54

Josh:But enter universal basic income. So problem solved, you know? Next. [Laughter]

55:59

Foz:This siloification of everything, this belief that nothing is interconnected... like, you have money, and that's great for you, but if you want things to spend the money on, other people need to be able to succeed also. This is not Highlander where there's only one, right? And it's you and then somehow magically all of this stuff exists for you to buy and other people exist for you to interact with. People just seem to think that if a hundred people are richer than god, the rest of society will continue to function in a way that makes that remotely worthwhile. It won't. And we're already seeing that, but we just have to seemingly go through this hubristic phase of very sociopathic, very detached, terrible terrible people ruining a bunch of shit before common sense will reassert itself.

56:46

Josh:I think that's some really sharp analysis. One thing to bring it back to the beginning, to that phrase, "You can't put the genie back in the bottle," there is this idea of inevitability. And I would say the three of us don't buy into the inevitability narrative, but I think that we also need to then actively work to resist this. So I'm wondering, looking at your community, do you believe there are things that writers are uniquely set up to do to resist this bullshit, to dispel the inevitability myth, and to save us all from this horrendous hellscape that you just outlined so beautifully?

57:31

Foz:I think just to think, and to have opinions, and to be able to put those opinions in our own words. The essence of creative work—of writing in particular, but all creative work—is communication. It's meaningful because it is people doing it and people receiving it. You can't cut the people out of that equation and still have something. It's like trying to take the milk out of milk and still pretend you've got a drink. It's like serving somebody an empty plate and claiming it's a meal. The substance of the thing is the human interaction. And so as you try and shortcut that, there's nothing left.

58:07

But I think because our works have been stolen and plagiarised to build these technologies, we are at a base level intimately aware of why this technology is bad in most instances. And because we are the ones who are trying to be replaced in so many instances; Hollywood going, "Oh, we won't we need to pay for scriptwriters anymore because we can just have AI generate stuff, and we won't need to pay for extras in movies anymore because we can just scan people and AI generate them, and we'll be able to make money without having to spend money: number go up," all of this kind of stuff. And we're sitting there going, "You're insane. You don't actually understand what you're doing."

58:49

But I think we are—and also particularly from a science fiction and fantasy perspective—what we do is think about things that aren't real, or that might be real, or that are dystopian. We deal in hypotheticals. And I know that fantasy can be a great escapist genre, rocket ships and dragons, and I love that about it. I really do. But we also are quite philosophical, because we're constantly dealing in what ifs. We're constantly exploring things that are not real. We're dealing in hypotheticals and metaphors and ideas. And that is a really important language when it comes to rejecting fascism, when it comes to rejecting ideas like this. And I think OK, you can't put the genie back in the bottle. I think the only extent to which that is true is you can't take away the concept. Like, yes, we now know what this technology can look like, but it doesn't mean that we have to use it.

59:44

And the example I used in my essay is AI is a technological innovation the way meth is a chemical innovation. The fact that we make something doesn't mean that it's good. But we have been on this humanity-wide technological kick the past couple of thousand years, and so we have built up this fairly significant head of steam with the idea of all technological progress is good progress. But we do have precedent for a technological innovation proving to be a bad idea—or if not a bad idea, something that needs to be used in a very specific way where you say, "Actually, not everybody can have this," or "We have to be very very careful." Like nuclear power, for instance.

1:00:27

When you had the Curies first discovering and working with radiation and you had radium, all of these things that looked like this great shiny new thing, people didn't realise about radiation sickness. They didn't realise this was going to kill people. And as soon as they did, the responsibility became, "Oh shit, we actually just can't have this lying around anymore. We can't have radium paint. We can't be painting radium onto our teeth." You have these innovations. We have precedent for innovations that are dangerous. We have precedent for technology that is dangerous, that needs to be restricted in its use.

1:01:01

But increasingly, you have this separation—certainly at an academic level—of tech from everything else, as though it's not interconnected. As though tech is over here and the rest of the world is over here and we can just keep making that graph get bigger and bigger, we can just do more and more over here without any of these other pesky moral and social and political and anything else environmental considerations. You can't. It's all interconnected.

1:01:26

And that I think is something that writers are—not uniquely placed, but very well placed—to point out. Particularly science fiction and fantasy writers, because when we sit down to create a new world for a story, we know that everything's connected because you're suddenly like, "Oh, I've got to come up with an architecture and a currency and a political system and a history and all of these things, and they interact in ways. And if I've done this, then how does this?" We're used to having all of these balls in the air.

1:01:55

But there is that great paradox where on the one hand, you've got tech companies saying, "Well, your work isn't worth paying for. We stole it all because it would have been too expensive for us to pay for it. Really, you can't expect us to have paid for it. It would have would have been too expensive. We couldn't have made our technology if we paid for everything. So naturally we had to steal it, but also it's worthless. It's worthless, so we shouldn't have had to have paid for it in the first place, because individually all of your works are worthless. And the fact that we are now seeking to monetise our copying of them—what we do is valuable. Our copying of your work is valuable, but your work itself—even though we couldn't have done this without it—is individually worthless."

1:02:34

And that is literally the argument of tech companies when presented with plagiarism lawsuits. It's like, "No, individually, your work's worthless. It's just that we want to profit from them because they're not worthless when we do it." And so we're all sitting here going, "Dude..." [laughs]

1:02:49

Ray:You're lying to my face.

1:02:52

Foz:I wanna hit you with a hammer. [Laughs]

1:02:54

Ray:I think that's really well said, Foz. Our podcast is called "Politechs" because we see this confluence between those two things, and you're right, obviously, everything is connected, and so I think that's really well said.

1:03:07

Josh:I know we've been talking for quite a while, and we don't want to hold you hostage all day, though we're really enjoying the the fire that's coming out of your mouth here. So I just want to thank you once again for being so generous with your time. Thank you for writing that piece in the first place. And we'll put that in the show notes and encourage everyone to read that. Before we go, I'm just wondering if you would say one more time what you're working on right now, where people can find you, because I really want people to engage with your your fiction as well.

1:03:45

Foz:Sure, so I am a queer science fiction and fantasy writer. The kind of stuff that I have published is most recently sort of queer romantic fantasy, so very different to the kind of thing that I'm talking about here, but also still exploring notions of identity and culture and belonging and personal history. I am findable basically everywhere online as Foz Meadows. That's where I am on Blue Sky and TikTok and Instagram and Tumblr, still, and Substack, all of these places. But yeah, I do just periodically yell about things in various formats.

1:04:25

Josh:Wonderful. Well, thank you for coming on and yelling about things here. I've really enjoyed this conversation and we'll have to have you back on to yell about more things. This has been a lot of fun.

1:04:38

Ray:Thanks a lot, Foz.

1:04:40

Foz:Thank you. I've had a great time.

1:04:43

Josh:Before we go, I would just like to say thank you to Catsup4 for transcribing this episode. If you would like to support the show by volunteering to transcribe an episode, please reach out to us by sending an email to <a href="mailto:politechs@politechs.dev">politechs@politechs.dev</a> or a message on BlueSky or Mastodon. OK Ray, take it away!

1:05:02

[Theme music begins]

1:05:06

Ray:This is that bit at the end where we thank you for listening to this episode of Politechs. First, we hope you enjoyed the show and we really appreciate the time you have given to this subject. If you want to follow up with us, please send email to <a href="mailto:podcast@politechs.dev">podcast@politechs.dev</a> because that's very direct and doesn't have any algorithms! If you prefer social media, we’re @politechs on Bluesky and <a href="mailto:@politechs@mastodon.social">@politechs@mastodon.social</a>. We’re not on Twitter for obvious reasons.

1:05:40

To help the show reach a wider audience, please share it with your friends, family and colleagues—there's nothing as good as a real human recommendation. You can find out more about the show on the website which is politechs.dev. As you should expect, there are no cookies or tracking of any kind. All the show notes, transcripts and contact details are over there. If you want to show a deeper level of commitment, there's also an option to donate. We’re passionate about free and open access to the episodes so there is no obligation and there are no benefits other than a warm feeling in your heart.

1:06:20

Finally, we would really appreciate a 5 star review on your podcast platform. Reading positive reviews makes us feel good and can help others find the show and make them feel like it's worth their time. OK, that's all the admin done and we hope to see you next week!

1:06:42

[Theme music ends]

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Woman with three deadly diseases has ‘remarkable’ recovery after cell therapy

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A woman who lived with three life-threatening autoimmune diseases for more than a decade has returned to a near-normal life after a cell therapy reset her wayward immune system.

The 47-year-old had had nine different treatments, none of which had a lasting impact, before receiving the therapy last year at University Hospital Erlangen in Germany. At the time, she required daily blood transfusions and permanent blood thinning medication to control her illness.

Within weeks of having the cell therapy, doctors noticed that all three diseases had responded, marking a world first and a striking improvement in the woman’s condition. For the past 14 months she has been in treatment-free remission and largely able to return to normal life.

Prof Fabian Müller, who led the team, said the speed and depth of the woman’s response was “remarkable” and the therapy had “significantly improved her quality of life”. Clinical trials were needed to learn how durable the therapy was and whether it would be effective for other autoimmune diseases, he said.

The woman had a rare, life-threatening blood disorder, autoimmune haemolytic anaemia (AIHA), whereby rogue immune defences destroy red blood cells. In flare-ups, patients need immunosuppressant drugs and regular blood transfusions. In the woman’s case, standard treatments were no longer working. “The patient had no treatment options left and would not have left the ward as she needed daily transfusions,” Müller said.

In addition to AIHA, the woman had two other autoimmune diseases. One, immune thrombocytopenia (ITP), is driven by immune cells destroying platelets, which raises the risk of bleeding. The other, known as antiphospholipid syndrome (APS), has an opposing effect and raises the risk of harmful blood clots. All three diseases were due to wayward B-cells which make infection-fighting antibodies.

With no options left, the doctors offered a treatment known as CAR (chimeric antigen receptor) T-cell therapy, which has proved gamechanging for certain cancers. The team extracted the woman’s white blood cells and isolated her T-cells, which patrol the body and kill infected or abnormal cells. The doctors engineered the T-cells to recognise a protein called CD19 found on B-cells and re-infused them into the patient.

The therapy swiftly went to work, destroying the rogue B-cells. The woman had her last blood transfusion a week after the treatment and was strong enough for everyday activities two weeks later. Her immune system appeared to have stopped attacking her red blood cells, and her other autoimmune conditions improved. When her B-cells bounced back months later, they appeared to be healthy, suggesting the therapy reset her immune system. Details are published in the journal Med.

The woman still has a low white blood cell count and slightly raised liver enzymes, but the researchers believe these are due to years of previous treatments rather than the CAR-T therapy.

Prof Ben Parker, a consultant rheumatologist at the Kellgren Centre for Rheumatology at Manchester University NHS foundation trust, said it was encouraging that all the patient’s conditions seemed to respond to the therapy. “The prolonged response off normal therapy suggests there has been an immune reset,” he said, though how long it would last remained unclear.

Parker, who is leading CAR-T trials on lupus and related autoimmune conditions in Manchester, said: “There are many active trials currently recruiting across autoimmune conditions, including lupus, myositis, MS, systemic sclerosis, vasculitis, and some have already reported early results. Case reports don’t prove a treatment works for wider use, hence the need for trials.”

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‘For leftist Jews, the Bund is a model’: the radical history behind one of Europe’s biggest socialist movements

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There is perhaps no more vivid illustration of the moral nadir Israel has reached than the Knesset’s passage, two days before Passover, of a death penalty law that applies only to Palestinians. The measure, whose approval was greeted with tears of joy and the popping of champagne in the legislative chamber, is a concise legal expression of the core animating idea of modern Israel: that there exists no humane obligation in Jewish tradition with a durable universal ambit. The notion that Jews should have a special concern for the fate of all humanity, regardless of ethnicity or creed, lies dead beneath the rubble in Gaza.

It had to be killed, however, because there was a time when it lived. Cosmopolitanism over nationalism, social democracy over rapacious capitalism, collective liberation over ethno-chauvinist fortress-building – these were the values that animated the Jewish Labour Bund, a revolutionary party founded in 1897 in the Tsarist empire. “For leftist Jews longing for resources within our own past for combating the Zionist death cult,” as author, activist and artist Molly Crabapple puts it, “the Bund is a model.” A model with an audience – Crabapple’s new history of the Bund was already in its second printing the week before it came out.

Crabapple, who speaks in the blunt and artfully profane manner of a born New Yorker, has been participating in and documenting resistance movements – in art, articles and two previous books (one co-authored with Marwan Hisham) – for 15 years. Her new book, Here Where We Live Is Our Country: The Story of the Jewish Bund, she says, is “like a defeated person’s history of the 20th century”. In 380 lush, high-tempo, strikingly poignant pages, interspersed with her own illustrations of its key characters, Crabapple documents the Bund’s extraordinary rise and fall. For half a century, Bundists fought for liberation as Jews and as Marxists – for a time, the Bund was the most popular socialist movement in Russia – before the seismic events of the 20th century spelled their miserable end.

Molly Crabapple is the author of the new book Here Where We Live Is Our Country: The Story of the Jewish Bund. Composite: Courtesy Molly Crabapple, Daniel Efram, One World, Penguin Random House

Bundists fought, as Jews, for the liberation of all. “On one hand, they were people who ferociously believed in the value and dignity of eastern European Jewish culture at a time when this was sneered at,” says Crabapple. “But on the other hand, they were internationalists.” They agitated and educated the shtetls. They formed defense squads against pogroms. They championed the Yiddish language. And they fought on the barricades in the revolutions of 1905 and 1917.

After the October Revolution, when Lenin suppressed their ranks, Bundists reconstituted over the border in Poland, building, as Crabapple puts it, “a beautiful alternate world out of little more than love and grit”. The Polish Bund, Crabapple tells me, built “schools, trade unions, a women’s movement, a kids’ movement, summer camps, a sanatorium for tubercular slum kids, and amazing newspapers”, which reported on the fate of workers’ movements from Alabama to China. When the Nazis arrived, they operated an anti-fascist underground and helped lead the Warsaw ghetto uprising.

Their defeat, however, was total and richly tragic: despite their efforts, nationalism grew and festered; the Jews of eastern Europe, proletariat and bourgeoisie alike, were systematically annihilated; the socialism of Soviet Russia turned tyrannical; and their perennial foes, the Zionists, founded a settler colonial nation state in the Levant fueled by the very chauvinism against which they had fought for generations. As global Jewry became increasingly aligned with Israel, the Bund’s memory was largely relegated to obscure scholarship and Yiddish archives.

What endures – if faintly – are the principles on which they organized, and a legacy Crabapple sees today in a growing movement of Jews fighting for Palestinian liberation. “Solidarity across difference,” Crabapple summarizes. “This insistence that you could remain yourself, you didn’t have to change who you were, while also fighting alongside others for a better and more beautiful world: that’s the heart of why the Bund remains so morally inspiring today.”


Crabapple and I are sitting at a wooden table in her Williamsburg apartment, which is large and open – she and her partner, the illustrator and painter Fred Harper, took down the interior walls when they moved in – but the room is so bursting with art, art supplies, textiles and knick-knacks from around the world, that the loftlike space feels cozily cramped.

‘This insistence that you could remain yourself, you didn’t have to change who you were … that’s the heart of why the Bund remains so morally inspiring today,’ says Molly Crabapple. Photograph: Courtesy Molly Crabapple/Daniel Efram

“I read him the whole book five times,” Crabapple says, gesturing to the back of Harper’s head, who sits silently drawing at his desk in the corner of the room during our interview. “More than that,” Harper says, without a hint of chagrin. Above Crabapple’s head hangs a large replica Chateau-Thierry clock, and to her left, a 3ft-by-4ft nude portrait of the author by Harper. Through the window, on the fire escape, a small monoestrellada flutters in the wind; like the neighborhood, Crabapple is part Jewish and part Puerto Rican.

Much of the art adorning the walls is Crabapple’s, Harper’s, or their friends’. But there are also several sculptures and striking impressionist paintings – a young woman in a white peasant’s tunic and vest; a mother and child with a similar, wry look in their eyes – by Samuel Rothbort, Crabapple’s great-grandfather. “I grew up obsessed with my great-grandfather,” Crabapple says. “He taught my mom how to paint, and my mom taught me how to paint. So I always felt this sense that being an artist was something that was essentially like a gift that I inherited from him.”

But that wasn’t all she inherited from great-grandpa Sam. Rothbort was born in 1882 in Volkovysk, a small town in Belarus, where he worked in a tannery. In the summer of 1898 – amid a strike against the bosses for forcing him and his co-workers to work Saturday nights after the sabbath – Rothbort joined the Bund. “So it was that my great-grandfather abandoned his place in a secure if circumscribed community and plunged into a modern insurrection,” Crabapple writes. Five years later, she believes, Rothbort was involved in the shooting of a policeman during a pogrom in Volkovysk; in the aftermath he smuggled himself out of the country, across the border to Germany, onward by train to Antwerp, and from there, by sea, to New York City, where former Bundists, such as the International Ladies’ Garment Workers Union leader, David Dubinsky, were building socialism on the Lower East Side.

Toward the end of his life, Rothbort composed more than 600 watercolors – “memory paintings”, Crabapple calls them – of Volkovysk. They depict every aspect of shtetl life. “He painted rabbis reading the Torah,” Crabapple says, “and then himself setting his rabbi’s shoes on fire in religious school. And then himself spying on the women’s bathhouse. And teaching the other kids how to smoke. People getting into fights on the market day … just this amazing mixture of the sacred, the profane, the funny, the serious, all of that – a 360-degree view of life.”

As a child, Crabapple was obsessed with these painted vignettes. But one stood out above the rest: it shows a young woman on a twilit street throwing a rock through a window, while her boyfriend waits, in the corner of the canvas, to offer her more rocks. “It was called Itka the Bundist Breaking Windows,” says Crabapple. “He wrote that on the bottom. And so I was like, ‘What’s that? What’s the Bund?’ And that was the question that led me to discover the movement for myself.”

Itka the Bundist Breaking Windows by Samuel Rothbort. Illustration: Samuel Rothbort

Crabapple threads this personal aspect into the book with admirable grace; it elevates and never distracts from the historical material. “I made a real commitment when I was writing this book,” Crabapple says, “that if I was going to stick through this seven-year-long process, I would in some ways follow my pleasure in it.” The reader feels her kinship with her characters; her own experience as an activist – often wrestling with the same big questions, enduring the same small discomforts and painful deflations – enables a rare empathy. “Despite our century of distance,” she writes, “Itka and I share a few common experiences. We both have taken over a street and mistook it for our country, both grabbed hands with a stranger and mistook it for a vow.”

The relevance of her material for our present moment is impossible to ignore. Bundists saw the truth about the Zionist movement – which was founded, the same year as the Bund, with the aim of establishing a Jewish nation-state in the biblical “Land of Israel” – from the very start. “At first, in 1897, the Bundists just think Zionism is incredibly stupid,” Crabapple says. “They’re just like, ‘OK, so your brilliant idea is that you’re going to take all these millions and millions of people that are living here, that have houses and lives, and they’re going to move to the Levant and become collective farmers?’ It sounds extremely stupid.”

Molly Crabapple protests alongside members of Jewish Voice for Peace at Trump Tower in New York on 13 March 2025. Photograph: Laura Brett/Sipa USA

As Zionism grew, Bundists came to see it as inherently dangerous and self-destructive, too. “One of the elements of European racism towards Jews has always been that Jews are swarthy foreigners who come from Palestine and should probably fucking go there,” Crabapple says. “And the Bund says to the Zionists: ‘Are you publicly agreeing with them? What’s wrong with you?’” Zionism stopped being just this “dumbfuck hallucination”, Crabapple says, after the British pledged to support a “Jewish homeland” in Palestine through the 1917 Balfour Declaration. “By that point, the Bund is saying: ‘You’re becoming the handmaids of the British empire. Is that your brilliant idea? And you’re taking people’s land and trying to deny them their political rights.’”

In 1933, the Bundist leader Henryk Ehrlich offered a prophetic censure: “If Jewish nationalism, as a general rule, is not bloodthirsty, this is only out of necessity, not virtue; if an appropriate opportunity arose, Jewish nationalism would show its sharp teeth and nails no less than the nationalisms of other nations.”

The presidium of the National Conference of Bundist Councillors in Warsaw, 1928. Left to right: Yisroel Lichtenstein, Yitskhok Rafes, Henryk Erlich, Yekusiel Portnoy, and Bella Shapiro. The Yiddish banner reads: ‘Bund in Poland. Proletarians from all lands unite!’ Photograph: Henryk Bojm

Ehrlich added: “[Ze’ev] Jabotinsky’s brown-shirt soldiers [the Irgun militia in Palestine and Betar in Europe] are nothing more than a tragicomic caricature of Hitler’s [Sturmabteilung paramilitary organization]. But the only thing missing in order for them to become the same beasts is some muscle strength, some territory, and a political opportunity … No, we are not a chosen people. Our nationalism is just as ugly, just as harmful, and has the same inclination to fascist debauchery as a nationalism of other nations.”

Who can deny he was proven right?


The Bundists rejected Zionism because it offended the core principle of their project: that ethnic particularity need not lead to nationalism, that it could be the basis for organizing across difference.

Several times in the book, Crabapple returns to a description of the Bund offered by the Jewish socialist Meyer London, who worked closely with Bundists on the Lower East Side. “Are you aware,” London said, “that in Russia, Poland, thousands of Jewish boys and girls pray to God not to lead them again out of Egypt, but to help them free Egypt?” This line distills the Bund’s quarrel with nationalism – Jewish and otherwise – and underscores the extraordinary radicalism of their aims. The Bundists dreamed of deliverance without exodus; the liberation of the Jews in concert with the liberation of their neighbors.

The Holocaust, of course, made this dream seem – to many Jews – ridiculous, foolhardy, recklessly naive. Believing their own freedom could be tied up with the liberation of their oppressors was a cruel joke; Bundists fought militantly throughout the war, but they met the same fate as the rest of Polish Jewry. Crabapple recounts a scene from a Bundist hideout during the liquidation of the Warsaw ghetto; as an older woman reminisced about Red Vienna – recalling how Viennese children cheered as she carried the Bund’s banner down the Ringstrasse – a younger Bundist sneered: “Where are they now, your noble-hearted Austrians?”

Likewise, the Holocaust made the Zionist answer, at least for a time, seem prudent. At least the settlers survived. A friend who read Crabapple’s manuscript told her, “OK, they were right. Right and dead.” After all, he said: “The Bund failed.”

Bund members march in Poland, May Day 1930. Photograph: ullstein bild Dtl./ullstein bild/Getty Images

Crabapple disagrees. The Bund didn’t fail; it was defeated. “The difference between failure and defeat is that you fail when your own errors are what lead to your collapse,” she says. “Whereas to lose is just to be overcome by a greater force. And the truth was, there wasn’t a single Jewish group that could have stood up against the Nazis … There was nothing about Palestine that protected the Jews except that it was behind British lines, and the British lines didn’t fall.”

The Zionists, meanwhile, by embracing an ethno-nationalism of their own, have taken their turn on history’s wheel, creating a state strong enough to inflict its own cruelties on the weak and stateless. “Is this the better, more practical thing just to endlessly engage in mass slaughter?” Crabapple says. “What the Zionist model has shown us is that it ends in genocide, too. That’s not acceptable.”

As the Bundists knew, “it’s either solidarity across difference or savagery.” The masses of Jews today denouncing Israel and standing with Palestine, the Minnesotans putting their bodies on the line for their immigrant neighbors, and movements the world over contesting the rise of fortress nationalism, have come to the same conclusion.

  • Molly Crabapple’s book Here Where We Live Is Our Country by Molly Crabapple (Bloomsbury Publishing PLC, £25). To support the Guardian, order your copy at guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.

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Straight Men Are Now Banned From Polyamory.

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I really wish it hadn’t come to this, but someone has to make the call. Straight men are banned from polyamory until further notice, and I’ll tell you why.

I’m not going to say everything I think about Lindy West’s memoir- the one where her husband pushes her to accept polyamory, and they eventually form a throuple with his girlfriend. I’m not going to say everything I think for two good reasons. Firstly, because everyone is yelling about this well written book - and yelling at these well meaning people - about the wrong things. They are yelling because open, consensual non-monogamy is anathema to a culture structured around compulsory monogamy and tacit cheating. They are yelling because they still can’t cope when a woman who can boast more than forty years or ninety eight pounds dares to describe her life as if she’s a person who matters. They’re also yelling because polyamory is cringe - and as a long-term polyamorous degenerate, I have to agree. Californians got to come up with the terminology before anyone could stop them.

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Most of the responses to Adult Braces have been ghoulish, priggish or plain wrong. The focus has been on the throuple as if the throuple were the problem. Polyamory is not the problem. Sex is not the problem. Sexism is the problem. It always is - hence the aforementioned ban, which we’ll get to shortly.

The second reason I’m not going to say everything West’s memoir is that - look, even as a longtime polyamorist and fan of West’s work, I think her husband sounds - let me make this sound as twee as I can - like a pure wrongun. A bounder and a cad, a weasel and scoundrel, a rotter, a blighter, a professional - I don’t want to shock you here- trumpet-player. I think it’s his fault. I think West and her tiny goth girlfriend deserve better. But this heartbreaker, this hornblower? He has serious protection.

Not only is he still the beloved life partner of one of America’s best and bravest and most brilliant feminist writers, Lindy West, he is also the beloved baby brother of another one of America’s bravest and most brilliant feminist writers, Ijeoma Oluo. I worship these women’s work, I have done for years, and you should, too. This individual, who uses he/they pronouns, is protected by two powerful houses. If I was stupid enough to take even one of them on, they would wipe the floor with me and I’d enjoy it. And perhaps that would be a noble way to go down, but one must ask - one must always ask- is he worth it?

So I’m going to start, as respectfully as possible, by saying that Lindy West is entitled to her own experience, and it certainly seems like her family are all much happier now than they were before they were an official throuple. I know plenty of functional throuples. I’ve even been in one.

That’s not why this book broke my heart.

West’s memoir spoke to me for ludicrously specific reasons. Like West, I was one of the manosphere’s favourite chew toys when my father passed away. Like West, I’ve had an eating disorder and been diagnosed with ADHD in adulthood. Like west, I was a prominent feminist writer in the 2010s, and tried so very hard not to let years of harassment get to me because I was supposed to be strong and set an example, and like West I went on to work in Hollywood because it actually seemed like a relaxing break from the culture war - and in its cutthroat, glass-grinning way, it still is.

And like West, I have had my heart wrung out by boring entitled manchildren with the gall to dignify their selfish behavior as ethical non-monogamy. I know what it’s like to stumble out of the culture wars, collapse at the feet of the first soft-eyed mediocrity who offers you literal basic human kindness, and find yourself prepared to undergo any sort of humiliation and disrespect to cling to whatever crumbs of comfort they intermittently throw your way - because humiliation and disrespect have become your professional baseline, never mind what you expect in person. I know what that’s like and I don’t have the experience of being a fat woman in America. I know what it’s like, and I want to throw my body between Lindy West and everyone coming at her right now. They’re not coming at her because they care about her. They’re coming at her because they want to relive those good old days where we got to aim a firehouse of recreational sadism at any woman who asked for it by being talented and overweight in public.

But.

Weak men who want to feel powerful often get their kicks manipulating women in romantic relationships. There’s a particular way that insecure men abuse the idea of polyamory to exploit women. And right now, at this moment in culture, the average straight man is just too compromised to handle consensual non-monogamy.

There’s a relationship structure that is running rampant in culture right now, calling itself polyamory and ruining it for the rest of us. It seems to make everyone miserable except for the handful of men who get to fuck and fuck over over every woman in their lives and congratulate themselves for being enlightened. It’s an ordinary, straight partnership loaded with ordinary, impossible expectations, where one party- usually the husband- demands the right to fuck around as a condition of preserving the household. It’s polyamory as a prop for convention and an excuse for exploitation. It’s bullshit, and someone needs to call time.

I am qualified to make this call for many, many reasons. Firstly because I have been polyamorous for eighteen years, on various continents, in various configurations, which means eighteen years of being party and observer to every conceivable sort of poly drama. I’ve also spent most of that time being the person total strangers beg for advice about non-monogamy. Men, in particular, bring their polyamorous yearnings and confessions to me, unprompted. I’ve done eighteen years of emotional labour, and taken eighteen years of notes.

All of which qualifies me to reiterate that non-monogamy is not the issue. I’m sure you’ve heard all sorts of stories about open marriages and polycules that have crashed and burned. So have I. We’ve also all heard about just as many monogamous relationships that explode, implode or slowly rot from within, without anyone coming out and saying, well, marriage never works. There is no way of arranging human love to exclude hurt, heartbreak or the misogynist norms that are already baked into straight dating conventions.

I am also qualified to make this call because- how shall I put this - I’ve spent my whole adult life being identified as the girl your boyfriend or husband is going to cheat on you with. Boyfriends and husbands make this assumption. So do wives and girlfriends. Look, I’m small and friendly and horny and a bit alternative, and for a long time I had pink hair and poor boundaries. I get mistaken for a magical manic pixie who’s going to restore joy and wonder to your life rather than a real person whose feelings matter. I have spent most of those years functionally single, which has made me an object of interest and suspicion. Men don’t want to take me home, wife me up and then cheat on me. Men want to cheat with me and then blame me for leading them astray.

I have encountered a great many people like Lindy West’s spouse and their common-or-garden cruelty. Again, West and her family have an absolute right to whatever happiness they have now built. But for most of her memoir, we follow West as her spouse spends years trampling on her heart, betraying her trust and imposing an arrangement that those of us in the know call ‘poly under duress’. It really does read as yet another well-constructed memoir by a talented, good-hearted woman whose partner wants to tear through all the tiny goth girls he likes while still enjoying the social status and material benefits of marriage. It reads like a brilliant, beautiful genius persuading herself that years of suffering and betrayal can constitute personal liberation as soon as she realises that she was the problem all along. It does not read like any sort of healthy polyamory I have ever encountered.

Polyamory, for me, was supposed to be an alternative to the mess and heartbreak of infidelity. It was supposed to be about honesty and solidarity, about everyone getting to feel seen and heard and respected. I have a set of principles that I try to stick to. I have always made it clear that I won’t enable cheating. But I’m getting over a nasty habit of trusting people until they give me reason not to. More than once, my wife knows about this and she’s happy for us has turned out to mean I’m sure I can talk her round when she eventually finds out.

Those sweet check-in texts that West receives from her sweet metamor - the woman who is now part of her poly triad? I’ve sent texts exactly like that. I have also sent texts like the ones from ‘Madeline’, the name of the woman Lily Allen’s piece of shit husband is banging in her 2025 album ‘West End Girl’:

I really don’t wanna be the cause of any upset

He told me that you were aware this was going on and that he had your full consent

If he’s lying about that, then please let me know.

Because I have my own feelings about dishonesty.

I have experienced the many, many ways that men use sex and romance to hurt and humiliate and degrade women they feel threatened by. been taken advantage of more times than I thought possible by decent, progressive men who were decent, progressive feminists right until it came to their actual intimate relationships with women. By men who thought it was fine to treat the side slut like hot trash and disrespect their wives as long as they were being a good boy and preserving the marriage.

I don’t want you to imagine these chaps as chest-beating bros or manosphere maniacs. Not at all. These men usually take pride in not being that sort of thug. They’re often the gentle intellectuals, the artists, the men with anxiety, the men who mostly have women friends. The men who haven’t reached their potential, who believe themselves to be victims, whose entitlement comes wrapped in passive-aggression and learned helplessness. The men who cannot and will not manage their own emotions without an endless supply of positive female attention from women and girls who only have needs when and if he happens to want to feel like a hero. These men get away with treating women and girls and non-binary people like this because they can. Because the bar for male behavior really is that low. The bar is rebar.

The bar is rebar because the number of vaguely dateable, non-fascist men is small and shrinking. This means that any even vaguely dateable man can pull a metric fuckton of spineless entitled nonsense and still have plenty of options. I’ve watched genuinely good-hearted men, who truly didn’t set out to exploit anyone, become fuckboys simply because they were overwhelmed by options, were pathologically conflict-avoidant and hated making choices.

Worse still, in my experience, is the sort of heteronormative poly setup that is parasitic on other people’s energy, focused on propping up the central, official, straight relationship at all costs. In my role as Forever Unicorn, I have repeatedly been head-hunted for a starring role in this sort of drama. I hate it. And I’ve met the same people pulling the same parasitic tricks outside the poly community - they’re just less likely to wrap their ratbaggery in patronising claptrap.

There’s nothing inherent to polyamory that makes people behave like this. And men are not inherently powerless to resist the thrill of wielding sexual power. But until straight men can be trusted not to self-regulate with sex and romance in that compulsive, dehumanising way - well, anyone who behaves like that probably shouldn’t be dating at all, let alone dating multiple people. I know limerence is a hell of a drug. I really do. And I’m still making the call:

Until further notice, straight men are banned from polyamory - and from relationship anarchy and consensual non-monogamy, too. Especially straight men with long-term partners. Most of them think they can handle it. Most of them are wrong. The ban holds unless and until an individual has conclusively demonstrated his capacity to put other people’s needs ahead of their own sexual entitlement.

Like I said, I didn’t want it to be like this. Feel free to apply for an exemption. I will be requiring multiple character references, though, and one of them has to be from your ex.

Good luck.

As promised, here’s the part of the story for paid subscribers only. I feel ethically obliged to describe what happened the one time I broke my own rules, but not to share it with the whole world for free.

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ALT

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A comic of two foxes, one of whom is blue, the other is green. In this one, Blue and Green are rushing towards each other, with a narrative text above each, with an arrow pointing at each fox respectively.
Narration above Green: Heat-seeking behaviour
Narration above Blue: Attention-guided missile

The foxes reach each other, swirling together like liquid or koi fish.
Narration: Impact!

Curling up together, coiled around each other in a tight cuddle, the foxes rest, calm and content.
Narration: EquilibriumALT
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How to stop a dictator

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Just over a year into President Donald Trump’s first term, there had been roughly 10,000 protests nationwide during the first Trump presidency. By the same point in Trump’s second term — January 31, 2026 — there had been more than 40,000.

Key takeaways

  • Democratic survival in the face of threats like Trump is determined in large part by how obvious the threat to democracy is. The more people recognize that an elected leader is trying to destroy democracy from within, the less likely it is that said leader will succeed.
  • Evidence from Brazil, South Korea, and Poland — all democracies that defeated a would-be authoritarian government — show that the legibility of threat to key segments of society was critical in mobilizing the pushback that decided democracy’s survival.
  • This has important implications for the United States going forward. Instead of sidelining the issue of democracy, as some political pollsters suggest, those concerned about the issue should foreground it — working hard to illustrate how Trump’s behaviors threaten core freedoms people cherish.

They were, as you might expect, overwhelmingly in opposition to the Trump administration’s policies. Partial data — covering just 41 percent of events — showed more than 10 million participants.

The protests represented a broad citizen awakening: one that produced not just symbolic marches, but concrete and meaningful action. This could be seen across the administration, from the Tesla Takedown movement that helped push Elon Musk out of government to the recent Minneapolis anti-ICE activism that forced the Trump administration to announce an end to its Twin Cities surge.

What has motivated so many Americans to act? According to Erica Chenoweth, the Harvard political scientist whose team compiled the data, “the top three claims expressed during the protests are concerns about the presidency, democracy, and immigration. These themes dominate the protest landscape.” America, in their view, now has “a growing, durable, and disciplined pro-democracy movement.”

The conventional wisdom says this shouldn’t be happening. Most experts will tell you democracy is a political loser: too abstract to motivate ordinary citizens. Many believe Kamala Harris lost partly because she talked about democracy too much, missing swing voters who wanted to hear about “normal” issues like the cost of living or corruption.

But Chenoweth’s data didn’t surprise me.

I’ve spent the past six months researching how to fight democratic backsliding as part of a fellowship at the University of Pennsylvania’s Perry World House. What I’ve learned is that the conventional wisdom is wrong. Democracy is in fact a powerful motivating factor: When people are convinced that there’s a threat to their political freedoms, they can be motivated to go to extraordinary lengths to defend them.

For this reason, elected authoritarians who wish to consolidate control typically win not by flashy displays of might, but by convincing a critical mass of people that they’re just a normal politician — no threat to democracy at all.

That means the survival of democracy depends, to an extent not fully appreciated, on perceptions and narratives. In three recent countries where a democracy survived an incumbent government bent on destroying it — Brazil, South Korea, and Poland — the belief among elites, the public, and the opposition that democracy was at stake played a critical role in motivating pushback.

For the United States to make it out of its own crisis, we need to take this lesson to heart: not marginalize discussion of Trump’s threat to democracy, but bring it to the fore.

How to save a democracy

While working on this piece, I read nearly everything available on fighting modern backsliding, spending weeks combing through scholarly databases.

To be honest, there wasn’t much.

Why I wrote this story

I’ve been writing about democratic decline for about a decade at this point, and I realized that we knew a lot more about how democracies die than we do about how they survive. So for the past few months, I’ve been doing research as part of a fellowship at the University of Pennsylvania’s Perry World House to try and address that gap.

I realized during that work that there was a big obvious answer staring me in the face, but one that was ignored by most experts and even explicitly downplayed by most experts. This story is my attempt to explain what that answer is and why it means going forward for America’s crisis.

Google Scholar has over four times as many papers on “democratic backsliding” (the process by which an established democracy becomes authoritarian) as on “democratic resilience” (the academic term of art for resisting backsliding). The backsliding papers also get far more discussion: the most discussed paper on that topic has 2,976 citations, compared to just 307 for the leading paper on resilience.

And much of the research on resilience focuses on the structural factors that help a democracy survive an autocratic bid — whether it has a high GDP, for example, or a long history of democratic rule. These are important questions, but not actionable ones. “Make your country richer” is not exactly helpful advice.

The end result: While most scholars of democracy can tell you how to kill one, very few have evidence-based ideas about how to save one.

Laura Gamboa is an exception. A political scientist at the University of Notre Dame, she published a book in 2022 on strategies against backsliding used by opposition parties — contrasting Venezuela, which collapsed into dictatorship under Hugo Chávez, and Colombia, which survived a similar autocratic bid by President Álvaro Uribe.

Elements of the Venezuelan opposition took extreme measures to overthrow Chávez, staging general strikes and even a coup attempt. The Colombian opposition, by contrast, was more institutional: They aimed not to force Uribe out but to blunt his legislation and defeat his party at the next election.

The Venezuelan opposition’s radicalism made them, not Chávez, appear as enemies of democracy, Gamboa found — giving him the public cover he needed to crack down. In Colombia, the opposition’s insistence on playing by the rules denied Uribe similar opportunities and delayed his power grabs long enough that he could be forced out by legal means.

While most scholars of democracy can tell you how to kill one, very few have evidence-based ideas about how to save one.

This argument for strategic moderation raises a question: Why do would-be dictators care so much about having a pretext? If Chávez wanted to seize power, why didn’t he just do it?

Because when they do, Gamboa notes, the backlash is overwhelming. She cites, as one example, Peruvian President Pedro Castillo’s 2022 declaration of a state of emergency. The move was so obviously authoritarian that it galvanized Peruvians, and the international community, to act — leading to Castillo’s impeachment and arrest on the very same day as his attempted power grab.

Smart authoritarians, Gamboa notes, “have learned that they can avoid this kind of backlash and maintain a democratic facade by undermining democracy gradually instead.”

A massive crowd of people holding signs and Venezuelan flags outside

Virtually every expert on backsliding has observed that would-be authoritarians value a democratic facade. But too few appreciate the implication: that autocrats have good reason to believe their project will fail if too many people see it as authoritarian, creating a point of vulnerability their opponents can exploit.

My book The Reactionary Spirit focuses on why modern authoritarians work so hard to hide their true intentions. The answer, I think, is straightforward: People still want to live in a democracy. Polls from around the world show strong international preference for democratic systems, leading would-be autocrats from Chávez to Hungary’s Viktor Orbán to spend tremendous resources convincing supporters they are playing by democratic rules.

But this doesn’t just explain why autocrats talk the way they do: it explains a major part of why they succeed or fail.

To defeat an authoritarian project, people — in courts, legislatures, the military, business, civil society, and the mass public — must choose to fight rather than collaborate in democratic decline or ignore it altogether.

These different social groupings make decisions for diverse, often contradictory, reasons. But I think the government’s success at building and maintaining a democratic facade is one of the most important factors, simply because many people genuinely care about preserving democracy.

Under ordinary political circumstances, this concern is unnoticeable. People in democracies generally assume political life will continue as normal, and so they prioritize other concerns: political squabbling, bureaucratic infighting, the pursuit of short-term profit, or even non-political hobbies and interests.

The purpose of a democratic facade is to maintain this expectation of normalcy. But once it is punctured, either due to a misstep by the authoritarian or proactive measures by their opponents, the resistance can be overwhelming.

Political scientists and democracy activists typically focus on structural factors (development level, polarization), institutional design (presidential versus parliamentary systems), or raw power politics (how many seats the executive’s party controls) to explain why authoritarians succeed or fail. All these things matter, in some cases more than the perception of a threat to democracy. There’s no one-size-fits-all theory of democratic collapse.

But the legibility of the threat matters much more than most people give it credit for, and it has played a decisive role in some of the biggest cases of democratic resilience in recent memory.

Brazil: A threat legible to the elite

For decades, Jair Bolsonaro was a backbencher in Brazil’s Congress, notable primarily for his lack of legislative accomplishments and bombastic rhetoric. He once, for example, suggested that parents of gay children should have beaten them more when they were young.

Bolsonaro speaks into a microphone and raises one hand in the sky

He brought the same vicious bluntness to his anti-democratic politics. A former army captain, he spent much of his career openly praising the country’s military dictatorship (in power from 1964 to 1985). When he voted to impeach the left-wing President Dilma Rousseff, a former anti-dictatorship guerrilla tortured after the military caught her, he dedicated his vote to the officer who supervised her abuse.

When Bolsonaro ran for president in 2018, many in the Brazilian elite laughed it off — surely no one like that could win. But the so-called Trump of the Tropics indeed won, powered by a far-right base and mainstream voters disgusted by a massive corruption scandal. The question then immediately became whether he was as sincere as an authoritarian as he seemed.

Though Bolsonaro had tried to backtrack his support for the dictatorship during the campaign, his early moves were telling. His first Cabinet included about as many soldiers as civilians. He refused to form a coalition with other factions in Congress, necessary to pass legislation in Brazil’s hyper-fragmented multiparty system, and relied on executive powers instead.

But Bolsonaro’s thuggishness was his undoing. The threat was so obvious that it almost immediately prompted resistance from the Brazilian elite. And nowhere was this more striking than in Brazil’s Supreme Court, which became the most pivotal actor in stopping Bolsonaro’s power grabs.

Before 2018, the court was notoriously divided. But after Bolsonaro took office, the court swiftly identified the gravity of the situation.

Overhead view of a large crowd dressed in green and yellow gathered beneath a massive piece of fabric in the colors of the Brazilian flag, which is stretched above them with an opening in the center revealing the people below

”We must resist the destruction of the democratic order to avoid what happened in the Weimar Republic when Hitler, he being elected by popular vote...did not hesitate to annul the constitution and impose a totalitarian system” in 1933, Justice Celso de Mello wrote in a 2020 text message to a WhatsApp group with his fellow justices.

The lead figure in the pushback was Justice Alexandre de Moraes. Moraes was fully bought into Mello’s alarmist stance, saying last year that “we [the court] realized that we could be Churchill or Chamberlain. I didn’t want to be Chamberlain.”

The Moraes-led court took an aggressive stance, perhaps best embodied by its controversial 2019 investigation into threats against the justices. Launched under questionable legal authority — justices aren’t generally empowered to order investigations — the order both uncovered real misinformation networks and led to some clear violations of speech rights.

No one should believe the Moraes court’s record is democratically perfect. But its interventions to defend Brazilian democracy were critical.

When Bolsonaro tried to bypass Congress using provisional decrees, the court ruled against him. When he tried to install his personal bodyguard to supervise the national police, the court blocked him. When Bolsonaro’s government dispatched the Federal Highway Patrol to block buses full of Lula voters on Election Day 2022, the court cleared the roads.

When Bolsonaro’s supporters ransacked the legislature, presidential palace, and Supreme Court on January 8, 2023, it was the court that led the inquiry — uncovering both Bolsonaro’s role and a conspiracy to launch a military coup.

Large crowd of people dressed in yellow and green gather on and around a modern government building with a white dome, waving Brazilian flags

As a result, Bolsonaro is not competing in the 2026 presidential elections, but rather serving a lengthy term in prison — as are many of his co-conspirators in the coup plot.

The court was not the only actor that mattered. Congress refused to bless his power grabs, and the military opted not to launch a coup. Watchdog agencies investigated; the press covered abuses relentlessly. And Lula beat him in a close 2022 election by explicitly campaigning on democracy to reach center-right swing voters.

All of these actors responded, at least in part, because the Bolsonaro threat was legible: his actions made clear who he was and what he would do if no one stopped him.

South Korea: A threat legible to the public

If Bolsonaro was the Trump of the Tropics, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol was the Bolsonaro of East Asia.

Winning the presidency in 2022 on a wave of anti-incumbent sentiment, Yoon represented the extreme right flank of Korean politics. Like Bolsonaro, he was openly nostalgic for a past dictatorship toppled in the 1980s, and like Bolsonaro, he issued an insincere apology when this became awkward.

Plagued by low approval ratings, Yoon struggled to make his mark — with evidence suggesting he began preparing a coup as early as fall 2023. After losing the 2024 midterms, Yoon grew more and more publicly paranoid about the specter of Communist infiltration, accusing the opposition-controlled legislature of being a North Korean catspaw. On December 3, in the dead of night, Yoon declared martial law.

In this handout image provided by South Korean Presidential Office, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol speaks during the declaration of emergency martial law at the Presidential Office on December 3, 2024, in Seoul, South Korea.

It was the most overt authoritarian move imaginable — and it failed almost immediately. Parliament convened and voted unanimously to end the emergency, with members of Yoon’s own party joining in. He was impeached and ultimately removed from office in April 2025; just last week, Yoon was convicted on charges of leading an insurrection and sentenced to life in prison.

Korea, like Brazil, showed extraordinary democratic resilience. And in many respects, the story is similarly about the threat’s legibility to the elite: Though Korea is a deeply polarized country, the leaders of both Yoon’s party and the opposition condemned Yoon’s announcement as undemocratic and mobilized the National Assembly vote within two hours to end the coup. One of the most famous images from the night is opposition chief Lee Jae Myung leaping a fence to enter the legislature after police blocked the doors.

But research by Korean scholars in the year since the coup attempt points to an equally important story — the legibility of the threat to ordinary Korean citizens, and how that motivated thousands of ordinary people to act as swiftly as the legislators.

“The high level of civic awareness and voluntary participation was essential in restoring democratic resilience,” professors Jae-seung Lee and Dae-joong Lee write in a 2025 paper extracting lessons from the Korean crisis.

Knowing that there would be an immediate effort by legislators to end the emergency, the president had planned to swiftly arrest and potentially even execute his political opponents. The protestors who converged on the legislature obstructed that plan, buying vital time.

“While a smaller number of citizens might have been easily overpowered by the military, they exhibited no fear of the armed forces and instead actively sought to confront them. Some demonstrated extraordinary courage by physically blocking the paths of armoured vehicles with their bodies,” Lee and Lee conclude. “Without the citizens’ response, the original operation – namely, the arrest of lawmakers and their subsequent imprisonment without a search warrant – might have succeeded before the National Assembly could vote to annul martial law.”

This is not new in South Korea. The country has an unusually active culture of protest, rooted in the successful movement to overthrow Gen. Chun Doo-Hwan’s military dictatorship in the 1980s. That movement created a national mythology lionizing democratic protest against military rule, which is partly why thousands mobilized within minutes to contest Yoon’s martial law declaration.

Protesters at a rally against the dictatorship of Chun Doo-hwan during the May 1980 uprising in Gwangju, South Korea.

Korea gives lie to the notion that democracy is “too abstract” to matter to large swathes of the public. And it can matter even when the threat is less obvious than a literal declaration of martial law.

Poland: A threat legible to the opposition

Poland’s would-be authoritarians, the Law and Justice party (PiS), first took power in 2015. Unlike their peers in Brazil or Korea, PiS did a much better job masking their intentions: no open praise of dictators, no martial law.

Instead, PiS followed the Hungarian model. Hungary is perhaps the most successful example of a modern authoritarian suborning a previously healthy democracy, and Viktor Orbán, the country’s leader, employed subtlety and legalistic tactics rather than overt power grabs. In Poland, instead of declaring martial law, PiS worked to change the composition of state-run media and the judiciary — firing both veteran journalists and non-partisan judges, and replacing them with government allies.

This subtler approach worked for a time: PiS won another parliamentary majority in 2019, with democracy concerns taking a back seat to economic issues. Democracy is not a rhetorical silver bullet: simply invoking it, without doing the background work to render the invocation credible, will not overcome a canny authoritarian.

But the intentions of PiS were clear to at least one group: Poland’s other political parties. Divided before PiS came to power, the opposition was pushed together by a shared sense of threat. The more dangerous PiS seemed, the more incentive they had to cooperate with each other. And ultimately, that was decisive in the party’s 2023 defeat.

In 2019, the opposition parties managed to win control of the Polish Senate by striking a deal to avoid competing against each other in individual districts. It was a choice born out of necessity, a sense that “those who do not join the democratic opposition help PiS” — as Dariusz Wieczorek, a politician from a faction called The Left, explained at the time.

The victory didn’t topple PiS — in Poland, the lower house determines control of the government — but it gave the opposition real power to obstruct its legislative agenda. It also set the stage for the 2023 contest, where they defeated PiS’s majority in the lower house and retook control of government.

The main issue in that election was not democracy per se, but the PiS-controlled high court’s politically disastrous decision to ban abortion. However, the party’s more directly authoritarian politics also played an important role in the outcome.

In May 2023, PiS proposed a law targeting opposition leader Donald Tusk’s ability to run for office. While the law only passed in watered-down form, even the threat was enough to further unite the opposition parties and galvanize their supporters.

“The huge turnout at a key opposition march in Warsaw on June 4—which played an important part in the growing momentum behind the opposition and the sense that they could win— was partly a direct response to the passing of the ‘lex Tusk’ the week before,” the scholars Stanley Bill and Ben Stanley write in their recent book on the rise and fall of PiS. “In the aftermath to the election, key PiS figures conceded that the obsessive focus on Tusk had probably been a mistake.”

A crowd of people march holding flags

Despite all that, PiS managed to win the largest individual seat share of any party. But due to years of persecuting the opposition, no one was willing to form a coalition that kept PiS in power.

“In 2023, when it lost the majority it had held since 2015, PiS was unable to find a partner because its Manichaean rhetoric and methods of exercising power had precluded cooperation with other parties…with arguably similar policy platforms in certain areas,” Bill and Stanley conclude.

Perceptions of democratic threat can thus have more subtle effects than turning institutions or even citizens against a ruling party. It can change the way that even the preexisting opposition thinks about politics, in ways that make them more effective at fighting back.

The lesson for America: You have to fight the narrative war

In theory, the United States looks like a clear counterexample to the legibility theory. Many people predicted that a second Trump administration would be dangerously authoritarian. Kamala Harris centered that argument late in her campaign, and it made little difference in the outcome

I don’t think this view of the Harris campaign is right. But more importantly, people tend to see things differently before and after elections.

It is hard for many to believe democracy could die before it starts happening, especially if the leader they might elect had been in office before and democracy survived. Three of the most notable contemporary assaults on a democracy —in the United States, Hungary, and Israel — have been orchestrated by leaders who had previously been elected, lost in free and fair elections, and returned due to voter dissatisfaction with the alternative. The voters weren’t affirmatively voting for authoritarianism; they just didn’t rate the risk very highly.

Once a threat becomes legible — primarily, by an elected authoritarian beginning to act in authoritarian ways once in office — people start prioritizing democracy in a way they didn’t beforehand.

And indeed, there are good reasons to think that’s the case in the US in 2026. There was no meaningful pro-democracy movement in 2024. Today, data like Chenoweth’s reveals an enormous one, fueled by reaction to Trump’s lawless power grabs and ICE’s assault on civil liberties. Even in deep-red areas, many people just don’t like what they’re seeing.

The actionable advice here is straightforward: people with political influence and platforms need to work to make the threat to democracy more legible to more people, and channel citizen energy toward the kind of blocking strategies Gamboa’s research suggests work best.

Productive backlash to authoritarian behavior isn’t automatic. In Hungary, pro-democracy forces didn’t mobilize swiftly enough to prevent authoritarian consolidation; in Venezuela, they went too far too quickly, and gave Chávez the pretext he needed to crush them.

What differentiates success from failure is narrative leadership. Think of the Brazilian justice warning his fellow justices not to act like interwar Germans, Korean protesters livestreaming their way to the legislature, or Polish politicians puncturing PiS’s democratic pretensions. It has two components: showing how particular government policies threatened core rights, and telling concerned citizens what they could do about it.

In today’s America, the need for narrative leadership is urgent. This is not just about positioning anti-Trump politicians for elections: it’s about what must be done now to ensure that Trump cannot consolidate the powers of an Orbán or Chávez.

There are some successful examples of this happening already. During the ICE surge in Chicago, Gov. JB Pritzker launched a campaign encouraging Illinois residents to film ICE agents. “Authoritarians thrive on your silence,” he said at the time.

In a recent interview with the New Republic’s Greg Sargent, Pritzker Chief of Staff Anne Caprara describes this as an intentional exercise in narrative leadership, describing ICE’s immigration crackdown as a form of authoritarian politics and making citizens feel like they could actually help stop it by changing the narrative.

For every ICE propaganda video coming out of Chicago, she told Sargent, “there are 50 videos in everybody’s timeline of actual incidents where people can see what’s happening.”

Protesters film ICE agents on with smartphones and cameras

Observers film ICE agents on February 5, 2026, in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Protests continue calling for an end to immigration raids in the Twin cities which have already resulted in the fatal shooting deaths of Alex Pretti, a VA nurse, and Renée Good, a mother of three, by federal agents.

For months, Trump’s approval rating on immigration has been dropping; since the terrible killings in Minneapolis, it has gone into freefall. What was once a political strength for the president is now a weakness, thanks in large part to a deliberate effort to make the authoritarian thuggishness of his policies legible to the public.

This is not identical to what happened in Brazil, South Korea, or Poland. But neither were events in those countries identical with each other. In each case, the process of making democratic threats legible happened in different ways for different social groups in different contexts.

There is no doubt that there is a version that can work here, too. In fact, if the data is any guide, it is happening already.

This story was supported by a grant from Protect Democracy. Vox had full discretion over the content of this reporting.

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